Inligting

Die dood van Kim Jong Il


Die Noord -Koreaanse diktator Kim Jong Il is op 17 Desember 2011 aan 'n hartaanval dood en het die wêreld verras. ABC News berig die volgende dag oor die kommer in die internasionale gemeenskap oor die oordrag van leierskap na Kim se 28-jarige seun.


Inhoud

Geboorte

Die presiese geboorteplek van Kim Jong-il is onbekend. Sowjet -rekords toon dat Kim gebore is Yuri Irsenovich Kim (Russies: Юрий Ирсенович Ким). [6] [7] [8] In die letterkunde word aanvaar dat hy in 1941 gebore is in óf die kamp van Vyatskoye, naby Khabarovsk, [9] óf die kamp Voroshilov naby Nikolsk. [10] Volgens Lim Jae-Cheon kon Kim nie in Vyatskoye gebore gewees het nie, aangesien die oorlogsrekords van Kim Il-sung toon dat hy eers in Julie 1942 by Vyatskoye aangekom het en voorheen in Voroshilov gewoon het. [11] Kim se ma, Kim Jong-suk, was die eerste vrou van Kim Il-sung. Binne sy gesin het hy die bynaam 'Yura' gekry, terwyl sy jonger broer Kim Man-il (gebore Alexander Irsenovich Kim) die bynaam 'Shura' gekry het.

In die amptelike biografie van Kim word egter gesê dat hy in 'n geheime militêre kamp op Paektu -berg gebore is (Koreaans: 백두산 밀영 고향집 Baekdusan Miryeong Gohyang jip) op 16 Februarie 1942 in die Japannese besette Korea. [12] Volgens 'n kameraad van Kim se ma, Lee Min, het die woord van Kim se geboorte eers 'n weermagkamp in Vyatskoye per radio bereik en dat beide Kim en sy ma eers daarheen teruggekeer het die volgende jaar. [13] [14] Verslae dui aan dat sy ma in 1949 tydens die bevalling gesterf het. [15]

In 1945 was Kim vier jaar oud toe die Tweede Wêreldoorlog geëindig het en Korea onafhanklikheid van Japan herwin het. Sy pa keer daardie September terug na Pyongyang, en einde November keer Kim terug na Korea via 'n Sowjet -skip en land by Sonbong. Die gesin verhuis na 'n voormalige Japannese herehuis in Pyongyang, met 'n tuin en swembad. Kim se broer verdrink daar in 1948. [16]

Onderwys

Volgens sy amptelike biografie het Kim die algemene opleiding voltooi tussen September 1950 en Augustus 1960. Hy het die laerskool nr. 4 en die hoërskool nommer 1 (Namsan Higher Middle School) in Pyongyang bygewoon. [17] [18] Dit word betwis deur buitelandse akademici, wat glo dat hy meer waarskynlik sy vroeë opleiding in die Volksrepubliek China ontvang het as 'n voorsorgmaatreël om sy veiligheid tydens die Koreaanse Oorlog te verseker. [19]

Gedurende sy skoolopleiding was Kim betrokke by die politiek. Hy was aktief in die Koreaanse Kinderunie en die Demokratiese Jeugliga van Noord -Korea (DYL) en het deelgeneem aan studiegroepe van Marxistiese politieke teorie en ander literatuur. In September 1957 word hy ondervoorsitter van die DYL-tak van sy middelbare skool (die voorsitter moes 'n onderwyser wees). Hy het 'n program van anti-faksionalisme gevolg en probeer om meer ideologiese opvoeding onder sy klasmaats aan te moedig. [20]

Daar word ook gesê dat Kim in die vroeë sewentigerjare [21] [22] in die vroeë sewentigerjare Engelse onderrig in Malta ontvang het as gas van premier Dom Mintoff. [23]

Die ouer Kim het intussen weer getrou en 'n ander seun, Kim Pyong-il, gekry. Sedert 1988 dien Kim Pyong-il in 'n reeks Noord-Koreaanse ambassades in Europa en was hy die Noord-Koreaanse ambassadeur in Pole. Buitelandse kommentators vermoed dat Kim Pyong-il deur sy pa na hierdie verre poste gestuur is om 'n magstryd tussen sy twee seuns te vermy. [24]

Teen die tyd van die Sesde Partykongres in Oktober 1980 was Kim se beheer oor die Party -operasie voltooi. Hy het senior poste in die Presidium, die Militêre Kommissie en die party se sekretariaat gekry. Volgens sy amptelike biografie het die WPK-sentrale komitee hom reeds in Februarie 1974 as opvolger van Kim Il-sung gesalf. Toe hy in Februarie 1982 lid van die Sewende Hoogste Volksvergadering was, het internasionale waarnemers hom as die erfgenaam van Noord-Korea geag . Voor 1980 het hy geen publieke profiel gehad nie en is slegs 'die' partysentrum 'genoem. [25]

Op hierdie tydstip aanvaar Kim die titel "Beste leier" (Koreaans: 친애 하는 지도자 MR: ch'inaehanŭn jidoja), [26] het die regering 'n persoonlikheidskultus rondom hom begin bou, volgens dié van sy vader, die 'Groot Leier'. Kim word gereeld deur die media bestempel as die 'vreeslose leier' en 'die groot opvolger van die revolusionêre saak'. Hy het na vore gekom as die magtigste figuur agter sy pa in Noord -Korea.

Op 24 Desember 1991 is Kim ook aangewys as die opperbevelhebber van die Koreaanse volksleër. [27] Minister van verdediging, Oh Jin-wu, een van die mees lojale ondergeskiktes van Kim Il-sung, het Kim se aanvaarding deur die weermag as die volgende leier van Noord-Korea, ondanks sy gebrek aan militêre diens, bewerkstellig. Die enigste ander moontlike kandidaat vir leierskap, premier Kim Il (geen verhouding), is in 1976 uit sy poste verwyder. In 1992 het Kim Il-sung in die openbaar verklaar dat sy seun in beheer was van alle interne aangeleenthede in die Demokratiese Volksrepubliek.

In 1992 het radio -uitsendings na hom begin verwys as die 'Liewe Vader', in plaas van die 'Geagte Leier', wat 'n promosie voorstel. Sy 50ste verjaardag in Februarie was die geleentheid vir massiewe feesvieringe, wat slegs oortref is deur die vir die 80ste verjaardag van Kim Il-sung self op 15 April dieselfde jaar.

Volgens ontloper Hwang Jang-yop het die Noord-Koreaanse regeringstelsel gedurende die 1980's en 1990's onder Kim selfs meer gesentraliseer en outokraties geword as onder sy vader. In een voorbeeld wat deur Hwang verduidelik is, hoewel Kim Il-sung van sy ministers vereis het om lojaal aan hom te wees, het hy nietemin gereeld hul advies ingewin tydens besluitneming. Daarteenoor het Kim Jong-il absolute gehoorsaamheid en toestemming van sy ministers en partyamptenare geëis sonder raad of kompromie, en hy beskou enige geringe afwyking van sy denke as 'n teken van ontrouheid. Volgens Hwang het Kim Jong-il persoonlik selfs klein besonderhede oor staatsaangeleenthede, soos die grootte van huise vir partysekretarisse, en die aflewering van geskenke aan sy ondergeskiktes, persoonlik gerig. [28]

Teen die tagtigerjare het Noord -Korea ernstige ekonomiese stagnasie ondervind. Kim Il-sung se beleid van Juche (selfstandig) het die land van byna alle buitelandse handel afgesny, selfs met sy tradisionele vennote, die Sowjetunie en China. Suid -Korea het Kim daarvan beskuldig dat hy die bombardement van 1983 in Rangoon, Birma, bestel het waarin 17 besoekende Suid -Koreaanse amptenare, waaronder vier kabinetslede, dood is, en nog een in 1987 wat al 115 aan boord van Korean Air Flight 858 doodgemaak het. [29] 'n Noord -Koreaanse agent, Kim Hyon Hui, het erken dat hy 'n bom geplant het in die geval van die tweede, en gesê die operasie is deur Kim persoonlik beveel. [30]

In 1992 het Kim sy eerste openbare toespraak gehou tydens 'n militêre parade vir die KPA se 60ste bestaansjaar en gesê: [31] "Eer aan die offisiere en soldate van die heroïese Koreaanse Volksleër!". [32] Hierdie woorde is gevolg deur 'n luide toejuiging deur die skare op die Kim Il-sung-plein in Pyongyang, waar die parade gehou is.

Kim is op 9 April 1993 aangewys as voorsitter van die Nasionale Verdedigingskommissie, [33], wat hom daagliks bevelvoerder van die gewapende magte maak.

Op 8 Julie 1994 sterf Kim Il-sung op 82-jarige ouderdom aan 'n hartaanval. [34] Alhoewel Kim Jong-il reeds in 1974 die aangewese opvolger van sy vader was, [35] in 1991 die opperbevelhebber [36] aangewys het en [36] die opperhoof geword het by sy vader se dood, [37] het dit hom 'n bietjie nodig gehad tyd om sy mag te konsolideer.

Hy het amptelik sy pa se ou pos as hoofsekretaris van die Arbeidersparty van Korea op 8 Oktober 1997 oorgeneem. [38] In 1998 is hy herkies as voorsitter van die Nasionale Verdedigingskommissie, en 'n grondwetlike wysiging verklaar die pos as " die hoogste pos van die staat. " [39] Ook in 1998 skryf die Hoogste Volksvergadering die pos van die president uit die grondwet en benoem Kim Il-sung as die 'ewige president' van die land om sy nagedagtenis vir ewig te eer. [40]

Amptelik was Kim deel van 'n triumviraat aan die hoof van die uitvoerende tak van die Noord-Koreaanse regering, saam met premier Choe Yong-rim en die parlementêre voorsitter Kim Yong-nam (geen verhouding). Kim was bevelvoerder oor die gewapende magte, Choe Yong-rim was die hoof van die regering en het binnelandse sake hanteer en Kim Yong-nam het buitelandse betrekkinge hanteer. In die praktyk het Kim egter, net soos sy pa voor hom, absolute beheer oor die regering en die land uitgeoefen. Alhoewel dit nie nodig was om volksverkiesing vir sy sleutelpunte aan te bied nie, is hy om die vyf jaar eenparig verkies tot die Hoogste Volksvergadering, wat 'n militêre kiesafdeling verteenwoordig, vanweë sy gelyktydige vermoëns as opperbevelvoerder van die KPA en voorsitter van die NDC. [41]

Ekonomiese beleid

Kim het 'n reputasie gehad dat hy byna komies onbevoeg was in ekonomiese bestuur. [42] Die ekonomie van Noord -Korea het gedurende die 1990's gesukkel, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van wanbestuur. Daarbenewens het Noord-Korea in die middel van die negentigerjare ernstige vloede ondervind, vererger deur swak grondbestuur. [43] [44] [45] Dit, vergesel van die feit dat slegs 18% van Noord -Korea bewerkbare grond is [46] en die land se onvermoë om die goedere in te voer wat nodig is om die bedryf te onderhou, [47] het gelei tot 'n ernstige hongersnood en Noord -Korea ekonomies verwoes gelaat het. Gekonfronteer met 'n vervalle land, het Kim 'n 'Militêr-Eerste' beleid aangeneem om die land te versterk en die regime te versterk. [48] ​​Op nasionale skaal erken die Japannese ministerie van buitelandse sake dat dit sedert 1996 'n positiewe groeikoers vir die land tot gevolg gehad het, met die implementering van 'landmerk sosialistiese mark-ekonomiese praktyke' in 2002, ten spyte van 'n afhanklikheid van buitelandse hulp vir voedsel. [49]

Na die verwoesting van die negentigerjare het die regering formeel goedkeuring begin gee vir kleinhandel en ruilhandel. Soos waargeneem deur Daniel Sneider, mededirekteur vir navorsing by die Stanford University Asia – Pacific Research Center, was hierdie flirtasie met kapitalisme "redelik beperk, maar - veral in vergelyking met die verlede - is daar nou merkwaardige markte wat die skyn van 'n vrye mark skep stelsel ". [50]

In 2002 verklaar Kim dat 'geld die waarde van alle goedere moet kan meet'. [51] Hierdie gebare in die rigting van ekonomiese hervorming weerspieël soortgelyke optrede wat Deng Xiaoping van China in die laat 1980's en vroeë 90's uitgevoer het. Tydens 'n seldsame besoek in 2006 het Kim bewondering uitgespreek vir die vinnige ekonomiese vooruitgang van China. [52]

'N Onsuksesvolle devaluasie van die Noord -Koreaanse oorwinning in 2009, wat deur Kim persoonlik geïnisieer of goedgekeur is, [42] het 'n kort ekonomiese chaos veroorsaak en die kwesbaarheid van die land se samelewingsstruktuur in die lig van krisis ontbloot. [53]

Buitelandse betrekkinge

Kim was bekend as 'n vaardige en manipulerende diplomaat. [42] In 1998 het die Suid-Koreaanse president Kim Dae-jung die 'sonskynbeleid' geïmplementeer om die Noord-Suid-verhoudinge te verbeter en om Suid-Koreaanse ondernemings toe te laat om projekte in die noorde te begin. Kim het planne aangekondig om nuwe tegnologie in te voer en te ontwikkel om die jongste sagteware -industrie in Noord -Korea te ontwikkel. As gevolg van die nuwe beleid is die Kaesong-nywerheidspark in 2003 net noord van die gedemilitariseerde gebied opgerig. [54]

In 1994 het Noord-Korea en die Verenigde State 'n ooreengekome raamwerk onderteken wat daarop gemik was om die kernwapenprogram van die noorde te vries en uiteindelik te ontmantel in ruil vir hulp by die vervaardiging van twee kragopwekkende kernreaktors en die versekering dat dit nie weer binnegedring sou word nie. In 2000, na 'n ontmoeting met Madeleine Albright, stem hy in tot 'n moratorium op die bou van missiele. [55] [56] In 2002 het Kim se regering erken dat hy sedert die ooreenkoms van 1994 kernwapens vervaardig het. Kim se regime het aangevoer dat die geheime produksie vir veiligheidsdoeleindes nodig was-met verwysing na die teenwoordigheid van kernwapens in die Verenigde State in Suid-Korea en die nuwe spanning met die Verenigde State onder president George W. Bush. [57] Op 9 Oktober 2006 kondig Noord -Korea se Koreaanse Sentrale Nuusagentskap aan dat dit 'n ondergrondse kerntoets suksesvol uitgevoer het. [58]

Kultuur van persoonlikheid

Kim was die fokuspunt van 'n uitgebreide persoonlikheidskultus wat sy vader en stigter van die Noord-Korea, Kim Il-sung, geërf het. Kim Jong-il was gereeld die middelpunt van aandag gedurende die gewone lewe in die Noord-Korea. Op sy 60ste verjaardag (op grond van sy amptelike geboortedatum) het massavieringe regdeur die land plaasgevind tydens sy Hwangap. [59] In 2010 het die Noord -Koreaanse media berig dat Kim se kenmerkende klere wêreldwye modeneigings neergelê het. [60]

Die heersende standpunt is dat die aanhang van die persoonlikheidskultus van Kim uitsluitlik was uit respek vir Kim Il-sung of uit vrees vir straf omdat hulle nie hulde gebring het nie. [61] Media- en regeringsbronne van buite Noord -Korea ondersteun hierdie siening oor die algemeen, [62] [63] [64] [65] [66], terwyl Noord -Koreaanse regeringsbronne meen dat dit ware heldeverering was. [67] Die liedjie "No Motherland Without You", gesing deur die KPA State Merited Choir, is spesiaal vir Kim in 1992 geskep en word gereeld op die radio en uit luidsprekers in die strate van Pyongyang uitgesaai. [68]

Menseregte rekord

Volgens 'n verslag van Human Rights Watch uit 2004 was die Noord -Koreaanse regering onder Kim "onder die mees onderdrukkende regerings ter wêreld", met volgens die Amerikaanse en Suid -Koreaanse amptenare tot 200 000 politieke gevangenes, sonder persvryheid of godsdiens, politieke opposisie of gelyke opvoeding: "Feitlik elke aspek van die politieke, sosiale en ekonomiese lewe word deur die regering beheer." [69]

Kim se regering word beskuldig van 'misdade teen die mensdom' weens sy beweerde skuld om die hongersnood in die 1990's te veroorsaak en te verleng. [43] [44] [70] Waarnemers van buite het hom as 'n diktator gekenmerk en hom van menseregteskendings beskuldig. [71]

2008 verslae

In 'n Augustus 2008 -uitgawe van die Japanese nuusweekblad Shūkan Gendai, Professor van die Waseda-universiteit, Toshimitsu Shigemura, 'n owerheid op die Koreaanse skiereiland, [72] beweer dat Kim aan die einde van 2003 aan diabetes oorlede is en in openbare optredes vervang is deur een of meer stand-ins wat hy voorheen gebruik het om hom teen moordpogings te beskerm. [73] In 'n daaropvolgende topverkoperboek, Die ware karakter van Kim Jong-il, Het Shigemura skynbaar naamlose mense na aan Kim se familie, sowel as Japannese en Suid -Koreaanse intelligensiebronne, aangehaal en beweer dat hulle bevestig het dat Kim se diabetes vroeg in 2000 'n erger afdraai het en van toe tot sy vermeende dood drie en 'n half jaar later gebruik hy 'n rolstoel. Shigemura beweer verder dat 'n stemafdruk -analise van Kim wat in 2004 gepraat het, nie ooreenstem met 'n bekende opname nie. Daar is ook opgemerk dat Kim nie op 28 April 2008 in die openbaar verskyn het vir die Olimpiese fakkelaflos in Pyongyang nie. [74]

Op 9 September 2008 het verskeie bronne berig dat die Amerikaanse intelligensie -agentskappe, nadat hy daardie dag nie opgedaag het vir 'n militêre parade wat Noord -Korea se 60ste bestaansjaar gevier het nie, geglo het dat Kim 'ernstig siek' sou wees nadat hy 'n beroerte gehad het. Hy was 'n maand tevore laas in die openbaar gesien. [75]

'N Voormalige amptenaar van die CIA het gesê dat vroeëre berigte van 'n gesondheidskrisis waarskynlik akkuraat was. Noord -Koreaanse media het stilgebly oor die kwessie. 'N Verslag van Associated Press het gesê ontleders meen Kim ondersteun gematigdes in die ministerie van buitelandse sake, terwyl die kragtige weermag van Noord-Korea teen sogenaamde' Sesparty'-onderhandelinge met China, Japan, Rusland, Suid-Korea en die Verenigde State was wat daarop gemik was om Noord te bevry. Kernwapens in Korea. Sommige amptenare in die Verenigde State het opgemerk dat Noord -Korea kort nadat gerugte oor Kim se gesondheid 'n maand tevore bekend gemaak is, 'n 'strenger lyn in kernonderhandelinge' geneem het. Einde Augustus het die amptelike nuusagentskap van Noord -Korea berig dat die regering 'binnekort 'n stap sal oorweeg om die kernfasiliteite in Nyongbyon in hul oorspronklike toestand te herstel, soos sterk versoek deur die betrokke instellings'. Ontleders het gesê dit beteken dat 'die weermag moontlik die oorhand gekry het en dat Kim moontlik nie meer absolute gesag het nie'. Teen 10 September was daar teenstrydige berigte. Onbekende Suid -Koreaanse regeringsamptenare het gesê dat Kim 'n operasie ondergaan het nadat hy 'n geringe beroerte gehad het en blykbaar 'bedoel het om die geleentheid van 9 September in die namiddag by te woon, maar besluit het om dit nie te doen nie as gevolg van die operasie'. Die hooggeplaaste Noord-Koreaanse amptenaar Kim Yong-nam het gesê: "Terwyl ons die 60ste herdenking van die land met die hoofsekretaris Kim Jong-Il wou vier, het ons dit op ons eie gevier." Song Il-Ho, Noord-Koreaanse ambassadeur, het gesê: "Ons beskou sulke berigte as nie net waardeloos nie, maar eerder as 'n sameswering." Die van Seoul Chosun Ilbo koerant berig dat "die Suid -Koreaanse ambassade in Beijing 'n intelligensieverslag ontvang het dat Kim op 22 Augustus ineengestort het". [76] Die New York Times berig op 9 September dat Kim 'baie siek was en waarskynlik 'n paar weke gelede 'n beroerte gehad het, maar die Amerikaanse intelligensie -owerhede dink nie sy dood is op hande nie'. [77] Die BBC het opgemerk dat die Noord -Koreaanse regering hierdie berigte ontken en verklaar het dat Kim se gesondheidsprobleme "nie ernstig genoeg is om sy lewe te bedreig nie", [78] [79] hoewel hulle wel bevestig het dat hy op 15 Augustus 'n beroerte gehad het. . [80]

Die Japanse Kyodo News -agentskap het op 14 September berig dat "Kim op 14 Augustus ineengestort het weens 'n beroerte of 'n serebrale bloeding, en dat Beijing vyf militêre dokters op versoek van Pyongyang gestuur het. Kim sal 'n lang periode van rus en rehabilitasie benodig voordat hy heeltemal herstel en het weer 'n volledige beheer oor sy ledemate, soos by tipiese slagoffers. " Japan s'n Mainichi Shimbun beweer Kim het af en toe sy bewussyn verloor sedert April. [81] Japan s'n Tokyo Shimbun op 15 September, het bygevoeg dat Kim in die Bongwha State Guest House bly. Hy was blykbaar by sy bewussyn "maar hy het tyd nodig om te herstel van die onlangse beroerte, met 'n paar dele van sy hande en voete verlam". Dit het Chinese bronne aangehaal wat beweer dat een oorsaak van die beroerte die stres kon wees wat veroorsaak is deur die vertraging van die Verenigde State om Noord -Korea uit sy lys van staatsborge van terrorisme te verwyder. [82]

Op 19 Oktober het Noord -Korea na bewering sy diplomate beveel om naby hul ambassades te bly om '' 'n belangrike boodskap '' af te wag, volgens Japan Yomiuri Shimbun, wat hernude bespiegelinge oor die gesondheid van die sieklike leier begin. [83]

Teen 29 Oktober 2008 het berigte gesê Kim het 'n ernstige terugslag beleef en is na die hospitaal geneem. [84] Die New York Times berig dat die Japannese premier, Taro Aso, op 28 Oktober 2008 tydens 'n parlementsitting gesê het dat Kim in die hospitaal opgeneem is: "Sy toestand is nie so goed nie. Ek dink egter nie dat hy heeltemal in staat is om besluite te neem nie". Aso het verder gesê 'n Franse neurochirurg was aan boord van 'n vliegtuig na Beijing, op pad na Noord -Korea. Verder het Kim Sung-ho, direkteur van die Suid-Koreaanse nasionale intelligensiediens, tydens 'n geslote parlementsitting in Seoul aan wetgewers gesê dat dit lyk asof Kim vinnig genoeg herstel om sy daaglikse pligte te begin verrig. [85] Die Dong-a Ilbo koerant berig ''n ernstige probleem' met Kim se gesondheid. Die Japanse Fuji Television-netwerk het berig dat Kim se oudste seun, Kim Jong-nam, na Parys gereis het om 'n neurochirurg vir sy pa te huur, en beeldmateriaal gewys het waar die chirurg op vlug CA121 op pad was na Pyongyang vanaf Beijing op 24 Oktober. Die Franse weekblad Le Point het hom geïdentifiseer as Francois-Xavier Roux, direkteur van neurochirurgie van die Sainte-Anne-hospitaal in Parys, maar Roux het self gesê dat hy etlike dae in Beijing was en nie Noord-Korea nie. [86] Op 19 Desember 2011 bevestig Roux dat Kim in 2008 'n verswakkende beroerte gehad het en deur homself en ander Franse dokters in die Rooi Kruis -hospitaal in Pyongyang behandel is. Roux het gesê dat Kim min blywende gevolge gehad het. [87]

Op 5 November 2008 het die Noord-Koreaanse Sentrale Nuusagentskap 2 foto's gepubliseer waarop Kim saam met tientalle Koreaanse Volksleër (KPA) soldate op 'n besoek aan die militêre eenheid 2200 en die subeenheid van eenheid 534 verskyn het. sy handelsmerk sonbril en 'n wit winterparka, Kim het voor bome gestaan ​​met herfsblare en 'n rooi-en-wit vaandel. [88] [89] [90] [91] Die tye bevraagteken die egtheid van ten minste een van hierdie foto's. [92]

In November 2008 berig Japan se TBS TV -netwerk dat Kim in Oktober 'n tweede beroerte gehad het, wat 'die beweging van sy linkerarm en been en ook sy spraakvermoë' beïnvloed het. [93] Die intelligensie -agentskap van Suid -Korea het hierdie verslag egter verwerp. [93]

In reaksie op die gerugte aangaande Kim se gesondheid en vermoedelike verlies aan krag, het Noord -Korea in April 2009 'n video gepubliseer waarin Kim tussen November en Desember 2008 fabrieke en ander plekke in die land besoek. [94] In 2010 het dokumente wat na bewering deur WikiLeaks vrygestel is, verskyn. getuig dat Kim aan epilepsie ly. [95]

Opvolger

Kim se drie seuns en sy swaer, saam met O Kuk-ryol, 'n weermaggeneraal, is as moontlike opvolgers genoem, maar die Noord-Koreaanse regering was 'n tyd lank heeltemal stil oor hierdie aangeleentheid. [97]

Kim Yong Hyun, 'n politieke kenner van die Instituut vir Noord -Koreaanse Studies aan die Dongguk -universiteit in Seoel, het in 2007 gesê: "Selfs die Noord -Koreaanse vestiging sou op hierdie stadium nie 'n voortsetting van die gesinsdinastie bepleit nie". [98] Kim se oudste seun, Kim Jong-nam, is vroeër vermoedelik die aangewese erfgenaam, maar dit lyk asof hy in onguns verval het nadat hy in 2001 op die Narita Internasionale Lughawe naby Tokio gearresteer is, waar hy gevang is met 'n valse paspoort om Japan binne te gaan Tokyo Disneyland te besoek. [99]

Op 2 Junie 2009 is berig dat Kim se jongste seun, Kim Jong-un, die volgende leier van Noord-Korea sou wees. [100] Net soos sy pa en oupa, het hy ook 'n amptelike sobriquet gekry, The Brilliant Comrade. [101] Voor sy dood is berig dat Kim na verwagting die seun in 2012 amptelik as sy opvolger sou aanwys. [102]

Herverkiesing as leier

Op 9 April 2009 is Kim herkies as voorsitter van die Nasionale Verdedigingskommissie [103] en het hy by die Hoogste Volksvergadering verskyn. Dit was die eerste keer dat Kim in die openbaar gesien is sedert Augustus 2008. Hy is eenparig herkies en 'n staande toejuiging gegee. [104]

Op 28 September 2010 is Kim herkies as hoofsekretaris van die Arbeidersparty van Korea. [105]

2010 en 2011 buitelandse besoeke

Volgens berigte het Kim die Volksrepubliek China besoek in Mei 2010. Hy het die land op 3 Mei via sy persoonlike trein binnegekom en in 'n hotel in Dalian gebly. [106] In Mei 2010 het die assistent -Amerikaanse minister van buitelandse sake vir Oos -Asiatiese en Stille Oseaan -sake, Kurt Campbell, aan Suid -Koreaanse amptenare gesê dat Kim slegs drie jaar oor het om te lewe, volgens mediese inligting wat opgestel is. [107] Kim het in Augustus 2010 weer na China gereis, hierdie keer saam met sy seun, terwyl hy destyds bespiegel het dat hy gereed was om die mag aan sy seun, Kim Jong-un, te oorhandig. [108]

Hy keer in Mei 2011 weer terug na China, ter viering van die 50ste herdenking van die ondertekening van die Verdrag van Vriendskap, Samewerking en Onderlinge Hulp tussen China en die Noord -Korea. [109] Einde Augustus 2011 reis hy per trein na die Russiese Verre Ooste om met president Dmitri Medvedev te vergader vir ongespesifiseerde gesprekke. [110]

Einde 2011

Daar was bespiegelinge dat die besoeke van Kim in die buiteland in 2010 en 2011 'n teken was van sy verbeterde gesondheid en 'n moontlike agteruitgang in die opvolging. Na die besoek aan Rusland verskyn Kim op 9 September in 'n militêre parade in Pyongyang, vergesel van Kim Jong-un. [111]

Familie

Daar is geen amptelike inligting beskikbaar oor Kim Jong-il se huweliksgeskiedenis nie, maar hy is vermoedelik amptelik twee keer getroud en het drie minnares gehad. [112] Hy het drie bekende seuns gehad: Kim Jong-nam, Kim Jong-chul en Kim Jong-un. Sy twee bekende dogters is Kim Sol-song en Kim Yo-jong. [1] [113]

Kim se eerste vrou, Hong Il-chon, was die dogter van 'n martelaar wat tydens die Koreaanse Oorlog gesterf het. Sy is deur sy pa uitgekies en met hom getroud in 1966. Hulle het 'n meisie genaamd Kim Hye-kyung, [114] wat in 1968 gebore is. Binnekort is hulle in 1969 geskei.

Kim se eerste minnares, Song Hye-rim, was 'n ster in Noord-Koreaanse films. Sy was reeds getroud met 'n ander man en met 'n kind toe hulle mekaar ontmoet. [115] Na berig word, het Kim haar man gedwing om van haar te skei. Hierdie verhouding, wat in 1970 begin is, is nie amptelik erken nie. Hulle het een seun, Kim Jong-nam (1971–2017), wat Kim Jong-il se oudste seun was, gehad. Kim het beide die verhouding en die kind geheim gehou (selfs van sy vader) totdat hy aan die bewind gekom het in 1994. [115] [116] Na jare se vervreemding is Song egter vermoedelik in Moskou in die Central Clinical Hospital oorlede. in 2002. [117]

Kim se amptelike vrou, Kim Young-sook, was die dogter van 'n hooggeplaaste militêre amptenaar. Sy pa Kim Il-Sung het haar met die hand uitgesoek om met sy seun te trou. [112] Die twee was 'n paar jaar vervreem voor Kim se dood. Kim het 'n dogter uit hierdie huwelik gehad, Kim Sol-song (gebore 1974). [113]

Sy tweede minnares, Ko Yong-hui, was 'n Japannese gebore etniese Koreaan en 'n danser. Sy het die rol van First Lady oorgeneem tot haar dood-na berig word van kanker-in 2004. Hulle het twee seuns, Kim Jong-chul (in 1981) en Kim Jong-un, ook "Jong Woon" of "Jong Woong" ( in 1983). [116] [118] Hulle het ook 'n dogter, Kim Yo-jong, gehad wat ongeveer 23 jaar oud was in 2012. [1] [119]

Na Ko se dood het Kim saam met Kim Ok, sy derde minnares, gewoon wat sedert die 1980's as sy persoonlike sekretaris gedien het. Sy het “feitlik as die eerste dame van Noord -Korea opgetree” en het Kim gereeld vergesel tydens sy besoeke aan militêre basisse en in vergaderings met besoekende buitelandse hooggeplaastes. Sy het in Januarie 2006 saam met Kim op 'n geheimsinnige reis na China gereis, waar sy deur Chinese amptenare as Kim se vrou ontvang is. [120]

Volgens Michael Breen, skrywer van die boek Kim Jong Il: Geagte leier van Noord -Korea, die vroue wat intiem met Kim verbind is, het nooit 'n mag of 'n invloed van gevolg verkry nie. Soos hy verduidelik, was hul rolle beperk tot dié van romanse en huislikheid. [121]

Hy het 'n jonger suster, Kim Kyong-hui, gehad. Sy was getroud met Jang Sung-taek, wat in Desember 2013 in Pyongyang tereggestel is nadat sy van hoogverraad en korrupsie aangekla is. [122]

Persoonlikheid

Net soos sy pa, het Kim vrees gehad om te vlieg [123] en het hy altyd met 'n privaat gepantserde trein gereis vir staatsbesoeke aan Rusland en China. [124] Die BBC het berig dat Konstantin Pulikovsky, 'n Russiese gesant wat per trein met Kim oor Rusland gereis het, aan verslaggewers gesê het dat Kim elke dag lewendige krewe na die trein gehys het en dit met silwer eetstokkies geëet het. [125]

Daar word gesê dat Kim 'n groot rolprentliefhebber is en 'n versameling van meer as 20 000 videobande en DVD's besit. [126] [127] Sy aangemelde gunsteling filmfranchises is ingesluit James Bond, Vrydag die 13de, Rambo, Godzilla en Hong Kong -aksie -bioskoop, [128] [129] met Sean Connery en Elizabeth Taylor, sy gunsteling manlike en vroulike akteurs. [128] [130] Daar word ook gesê dat Kim 'n fan was van Ealing -komedies, geïnspireer deur hul klem op spangees en 'n gemobiliseerde proletariaat. [131] Hy het geskryf Oor die kuns van die bioskoop. In 1978, op bevel van Kim, is die Suid-Koreaanse filmregisseur Shin Sang-ok en sy aktrise-vrou Choi Eun-hee ontvoer om 'n Noord-Koreaanse filmbedryf te bou. [132] In 2006 was hy betrokke by die vervaardiging van die film op Juche Die Skoolmeisies Dagboek, wat die lewe van 'n jong meisie, wie se ouers wetenskaplikes is, uitgebeeld het, met 'n KCNA -nuusberig waarin gesê word dat Kim 'die draaiboek verbeter en die produksie daarvan gelei het'. [133]

Alhoewel Kim baie vreemde vorme van vermaak geniet het, het hy volgens die voormalige lyfwag Lee Young Kuk geweier om voedsel of drank te drink wat nie in Noord -Korea geproduseer is nie, met die uitsondering van wyn uit Frankryk. [134] Sy voormalige sjef Kenji Fujimoto het egter gesê dat Kim hom soms regoor die wêreld gestuur het om 'n verskeidenheid buitelandse lekkernye aan te skaf. [135]

Kim het na bewering basketbal geniet. Die voormalige minister van buitelandse sake, Madeleine Albright, het haar beraad met Kim beëindig deur vir hom 'n basketbal te gee wat deur die NBA -legende Michael Jordan onderteken is. [136] Sy amptelike biografie beweer ook dat Kim ses operas gekomponeer het en dit geniet om uitgebreide musiekblyspele op te voer. [137]

Spesiale gesant van die Verenigde State vir die Koreaanse vredesgesprekke, Charles Kartman, wat betrokke was by die Madeleine Albright -beraad in 2000 met Kim, het Kim tot die punt gekenmerk as 'n redelike man in onderhandelinge, maar met 'n sin vir humor en persoonlik aandag aan die mense hy was gasheer. [138] Maar sielkundige evaluerings kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat Kim se antisosiale kenmerke, soos sy vreesloosheid in die lig van sanksies en straf, die onderhandelinge buitengewoon bemoeilik het. [139]

Die veld van sielkunde is al lank gefassineer deur die persoonlikheidsbeoordeling van diktators, 'n idee wat gelei het tot 'n uitgebreide persoonlikheidsevaluering van Kim. Die verslag, saamgestel deur Frederick L. Coolidge en Daniel L. Segal (met die hulp van 'n Suid -Koreaanse sielkundige wat as 'n kenner van Kim se gedrag beskou word), het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die 'groot ses' groep persoonlikheidsversteurings wat gedeel word deur diktators Adolf Hitler, Joseph Stalin en Saddam Hussein (sadisties, paranoïes, antisosiaal, narsisties, skisoid en skisotipies) is ook deur Kim gedeel - wat hoofsaaklik saamval met die profiel van Saddam Hussein. [140]

Uit die evaluering is bevind dat dit lyk asof Kim trots is op die onafhanklikheid van Noord -Korea, ondanks die uiterste ontberings wat dit op die Noord -Koreaanse volk kan veroorsaak - 'n eienskap wat blykbaar voortspruit uit sy antisosiale persoonlikheidspatroon. [139]

Oordragers beweer dat Kim 17 verskillende paleise en koshuise in Noord -Korea het, insluitend 'n privaat oord naby Baekdu -berg, 'n kothuis in die stad Wonsan en Ryongsong Residence, 'n paleiskompleks noordoos van Pyongyang omring met verskeie heininglyne, bunkers en vliegtuigbatterye. [141]

Finansies

Volgens 'n verslag van 2010 in die Sunday Telegraph, Kim het 'n deposito van US $ 4 miljard in Europese banke ingeval hy ooit uit Noord -Korea sou moes vlug. Die Sunday Telegraph berig dat die meeste geld in banke in Luxemburg was. [142]

Daar is berig dat Kim op 17 Desember 2011 om 08:30 aan 'n vermeende hartaanval gesterf het terwyl hy per trein na 'n gebied buite Pyongyang gereis het. [143] [144] Daar is egter in Desember 2012 berig dat hy 'in woede' gesterf het weens boufoute by 'n belangrike kragstasieprojek in Huichon in die Jagang -provinsie. [145] Hy word opgevolg deur sy jongste seun, Kim Jong-un, wat deur die Koreaanse Sentrale Nuusagentskap as die 'Groot Opvolger' bestempel is. [146] [147] [148] Volgens die Koreaanse Sentrale Nuusagentskap (KCNA) het 'n hewige sneeustorm tydens sy dood 'stilgehou' en 'het die lug rooi gegloei bo die heilige berg Paektu' en het die ys op 'n beroemde meer ook gekraak so hard dat dit lyk asof dit 'die hemel en die aarde' skud. [149]

Kim se begrafnis het op 28 Desember in Pyongyang plaasgevind, met 'n rouperiode tot die volgende dag. Die weermag van Suid -Korea is onmiddellik op hul hoede na die aankondiging en die Nasionale Veiligheidsraad het byeengeroep vir 'n noodvergadering, uit kommer dat politieke jokkies in Noord -Korea die streek kan destabiliseer. Asiatiese aandelemarkte het kort ná die aankondiging gedaal weens soortgelyke kommer. [143]

On 12 January 2012, North Korea called Kim the "eternal leader" and announced that his body would be preserved and displayed at Pyongyang's Kumsusan Memorial Palace. Officials also announced plans to install statues, portraits, and "towers to his immortality" across the country. [150] [151] His birthday of 16 February was declared "the greatest auspicious holiday of the nation" and was named the Day of the Shining Star. [152]

In February 2012, on what would have been his 71st birthday, Kim was posthumously made Dae Wonsu (usually translated as Generalissimo, literally Grand Marshal), the nation's top military rank. He had been named Wonsu (Marshal) in 1992 when North Korean founder Kim Il-sung was promoted to Dae Wonsu. [153] Also in February 2012, the North Korean government created the Order of Kim Jong-il in his honor and awarded it to 132 individuals for services in building a "thriving socialist nation" and for increasing defense capabilities. [154]

Kim received numerous titles during his rule. In April 2009, North Korea's constitution was amended to refer to him and his successors as the "supreme leader of the DPRK". [155]

  • Party Center of the WPK and Member, Central Committee of the WPK (1970s) [156]
  • Dear Leader (Chinaehaneun Jidoja) (late 1970s–1994) [156]
  • Member, Presidium of the Supreme People's Assembly of the DPRK
  • Secretary, Central Committee of the Workers' Party of Korea (1974–1997) member, WPK Central Committee (1980–2011)
  • Supreme Commander, Korean People's Army (25 December 1991 – 17 December 2011) [27]
  • Marshal of the DPRK (1993–2011) [157]
  • Chairman, National Defence Commission (1993–2011) [33]
  • Great Leader (Widehan Ryongdoja) (July 1994 – December 2011) [156]
  • General Secretary, Workers' Party of Korea (October 1997 – December 2011) [105]
  • Chairman, Central Military Commission (DPRK) (October 1997 – December 2011)
  • Eternal Leader (posthumous) (January 2012 – present) [150]
  • Generalissimo of the DPRK (posthumous) (January 2012 – present) [158]
  • Eternal General Secretary, Workers' Party of Korea (posthumous) (11 April 2012 – present) [159]
  • Eternal Chairman of the National Defence Commission (posthumous) (13 April 2012 – present) [160]
  • Eternal leader of the Workers' Party of Korea (posthumous) (7 May 2016 – present) [161]
  • Eternal leader of Juche Korea (posthumous) (29 June 2016 – present) [162]

According to North Korean sources, Kim published some 890 works during a period of his career from June 1964 to June 1994. [163] According to KCNA, the number of works from 1964 to 2001 was 550. [164] In 2000, it was reported that the Workers' Party of Korea Publishing House has published at least 120 works by Kim. [165] In 2009, KCNA put the numbers as follows:

At least 354,000 copies of [Kim Jong-il's works] were translated into nearly 70 languages and came off the press in about 80 countries in the new century. There were more than 500 activities for studying and distributing the works in at least 120 countries and regions in 2006. The following year witnessed a total of more than 600 events of diverse forms in at least 130 countries and regions. And 2008 saw at least 3,000 functions held in over 150 countries and regions for the same purpose. [166]

Die Selected Works of Kim Jong-il (Enlarged Edition), whose publishing has continued posthumously, runs into volume 24 in Korean [167] and to volume 15 in English. [168] Volumes three to eight were never published in English. [169]

Die Complete Collection of Kim Jong-il's Works is currently in volume 13. [170] There is a "Kim Jong-il's Works Exhibition House" dedicated to his works in North Korea, holding 1,100 of his works and manuscripts. [171]

In his teens and university years, Kim had written poems. [172] He also wrote song lyrics. [173] His first major literary work was On the Art of the Cinema in 1973. [174]


History Tells Us How North Korea Would Handle the Death of Kim Jong-un

North Korea will use a fog of disinformation to maintain stability, just as Pyongyang did with Kim Jong-il.

The question of potential instability and a possible power struggle came up when Kim Jong-il, father of the current leader, suffered a stroke and lapsed into a coma in 2008. Back then, North Korea kept his illness secret for weeks, and kept him out of the public eye for months.

The uncertainty back then sparked very real, very relevant questions about what might happen in this impoverished, nuclear-armed country where there was no clear chain of succession. And the stakes are even higher today, given the nuclear advancements Kim Jong-un has made as well as the even more fragile state of the North Korean economy under sanctions.

We should remember that North Korea was able to quietly tighten the cordon of security around his ailing father in 2008 and effectively restrict the flow of information in and out of the country as a way to avoid sparking panic at home as well to conceal his state of health to the outside world. That gave the regime time to put measures in place to ensure stability as well as to focus on a succession plan to groom Kim Jong-un and introduce him as the heir apparent. It wasn’t much time but it was enough to avert a crisis of instability when Kim Jong-ll died in 2011.

Some analysts have long predicted the collapse of the North Korean regime with a change of leadership. But I would say the system is stronger than we think, partly due to the fog of disinformation that the regime employs to keep its citizens in the dark. Uncertainty paralyzes them.

If Kim Jong-un were to fall ill or worse, we would see that same quiet tightening of security and the flow of information as we saw in 2008. Perhaps we are seeing that now. But we may not know immediately, and the inner circle would seek to conceal the true state of matters for as long as possible to buy time to maintain stability and put a succession plan in place.


South Korea questions story of Kim Jong Il's death

REPORTING FROM SEOUL –- In life -– and now even in death -– Kim Jong Il's whereabouts have always been a guessing game.

Is he here, or over there? Geen! Wait, there he is! Poof!

Inside his Hermit Kingdom, press pictures released of Kim were always undated. Live-television images of the "Dear Leader" were pretty much verboten.

Now, South Korean intelligence officials are even casting doubt on Pyongyang's official story line that the 69-year-old Kim died of a heart attack while working aboard a moving train Saturday morning.

South Korea's top spy, Won Sei-hoon, told lawmakers in Seoul that a review of satellite photographs revealed that Kim's train was actually stationary at a Pyongyang station at the time of the ruler's death, as announced by the North, according to media reports.

"There were no signs the train ever moved," South Korean media quoted Won as telling officials.

South Korea's Defense Ministry on Wednesday seconded Won's reported comments, questioning the circumstances of the dictator's death.

Due to previous assassination attempts, Kim always traveled aboard a bulletproof train that was more like an armored Queen Mary on wheels.

North Korea watchers speculate that the time and place of Kim's death may somehow be sensitive to North Korean officials as they oversee the transition of power to the late strongman's handpicked successor, his youngest son, Kim Jong Un.

South Korean media reported rumors circulating among national lawmakers that Kim Jong Il actually died in his bed at his Pyongyang residence.

But the image of a sickly, weakened and prone "Dear Leader" taking his last breaths may not have sounded sufficiently patriotic to suit Pyongyang's propaganda machine.

So maybe, just maybe, the North Koreans pulled a page from Hollywood and . did a rewrite! The image of an indefatigable Kim dying while on a "field guidance tour" better fits the legacy of a dictator who didn't know quit.

(Think the drama of a young John F. Kennedy cut down in the infancy of his presidency, or a charismatic Theodore Roosevelt-type who keels over at his desk.)

The North's Korean Central News Agency is perpetrating the dictator-as-hero story, reporting that the North Korean people, "young and old, men and women, are calling Kim Jong Il, who gave tireless field guidance, totally dedicated day and night to the happiness of the people."

But there's even more intrigue to Kim's possible disappearing act.

Many here say South Korean -– and even U.S. -– intelligence officials are trying to cover up for a major gaffe: getting caught with their spy pants down and not knowing earlier about the death of one of the world’s most detested and dangerous figures.

South Korean media have reported that Seoul officials learned about Kim's death on Monday along with the rest of the world -– when it was broadcast on television. That's two days after the supposed event.

What's more, during Monday's noon hour, about the time the news hit here, South Korean President Lee Myung-bak was reportedly attending a surprise birthday party thrown by aides at the Blue House (South Korea’s version of the White House).

Lee was celebrating a triple-whammy: his 71st birthday, 41st wedding anniversary and the fourth anniversary of his winning the presidency. Some aides were reportedly wearing pointed party hats when Lee arrived at the gathering of 200 celebrants, apparently just before the news of the North Korean dictator's death broke.

Wheeeeee! There’s the birthday boy!

Somewhere, the ever-secretive Kim Jong Il may be having the last laugh.

Photo: North Korean leader Kim Jong Il smiles while visiting a shopping center in Vladivostok, Russia. Credit: AFP


Kim Jong-un’s mysterious family tree

Kim Jong-un’s younger sister, Kim Yo-jong, made headlines by attending the 2018 Winter Olympics in Pyeongchang, South Korea. She was the first member of North Korea’s ruling Kim family, which has a monopoly on the wealth and political power of North Korea, to visit South Korea, and details about her family remain elusive to the rest of the world in many ways.

In the most recent Brookings essay, senior fellow Jung Pak shares her expertise on North Korea and insight on Kim Jong-un and his family.

WHY KIM JONG-UN

Kim Jong-un came to power with the death of his father, Kim Jong-il, who died from a heart attack in December 2011. This was unsurprising in the Kim family, which has a history of heart disease. North Korea’s founder and Kim Jong-un’s grandfather, Kim Il-sung, also died from a heart attack.

If Kim Jong-Il had kept with Korean tradition, Pak writes in the essay, Kim Jong-un—his father’s third son—would not have been his father’s successor and instead his oldest brother, Kim Jong-nam, would have been chosen for succession. However, as Pak explains, Kim Jong-il reportedly dismissed Kim Jong-nam as unfit to lead North Korea because he was “tainted by foreign influence” when, in 2001, Jong-nam had been detained in Japan with a fake passport in a failed attempt to go to Tokyo Disneyland. It is said that he had suggested that North Korea undertake policy reform and open up to the West, enraging his father.

After, Jong-nam, Kim Jong-il’s second son, Kim Jong-chul was “deemed too effeminate” to rule. That left Kim Jong-un, the youngest of the three sons, to succeed his father as the head of North Korea.

*North Korea’s secrecy makes it difficult to verify information about Kim Jong-un’s children, including how many there are and when they were born. His wife’s birth date is also unconfirmed.

Jung Pak writes, “There had been signs before 2011 that Kim was grooming his son for the succession: he began to accompany his father on publicized inspections of military units, his birth home was designated a historical site, and he began to assume leadership titles and roles in the military, party, and security apparatus, including as a four-star general in 2010.”


The Death of Kim Jong-il and the Future of U.S. Relations with the Two Koreas

North Korean state-run television announced Monday that longtime leader Kim Jong-il died Saturday at the age of 69, after reportedly suffering a heart attack while traveling on a train. Under his leadership, North Korea became a nuclear state and was widely known as one of the most repressive societies in the world. Kim Jong-il’s youngest son, Kim Jung-un, is expected to become North Korea’s new leader, but it is unclear if his ascendancy will bring about any real changes, as Kim Jong-il ruled North Korea in concert with a large circle of regime insiders who remain at the helm. We look at how the Korean Peninsula is the most militarized region on earth and what this means in this transition of power. “Given the past history of animosity and confrontation between the two Koreas, our government has taken precautionary measures to stabilize the situation,” says Chung-in Moon, professor of political science at Yonsei University in Seoul, South Korea, and former government official who twice met with Kim. Meanwhile, “there’s a kind of reverence for Kim Jong-il by the people, because the North Korean people have a deep sense of needing sovereignty and independence,” notes Christine Ahn, executive director of the Korea Policy Institute. She says North Koreans recall 35 years of Japanese occupation and were proud of “joining the nuclear club” in order to prevent what they perceive as U.S. military occupation and the division of the Korean Peninsula. [sluit haasafskrif in]

Verwante verhaal

Story Jun 12, 2018 Rep. Ro Khanna: If U.S.-North Korea Summit Happened Under Obama, Democrats Would Be Cheering
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Transkripsie

AMY GOODMAN: We turn now to the death of Korean leader Kim Jong-il. State-run television announced Monday he had died Saturday at the age of 69, after reportedly suffering a heart attack while traveling on a train. Known as the Dear Leader, Kim took over North Korea in 1994 following the death of his father, Kim Il-sung. The two men are the only leaders North Korea has known since the Korean Peninsula was formally divided in 1948.

Under Kim Jong-il’s leadership, North Korea became a nuclear state. In 2003, North Korea quit the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty after the Bush administration refused to hold bilateral talks and uphold an agreement to supply light-water reactors. Three years later, North Korea tested its first nuclear device.

North Korea, under Kim Jong-il, is widely known as one of the most repressive societies in the world. While it was becoming a nuclear state, an estimated one million of its citizens died during a famine in the 1990s. The United Nations estimates at least 200,000 people have died or languished in a state security apparatus that includes forced labor camps, prisons and public executions.

North Korean authorities released video footage of dozens of mourners sobbing uncontrollably in a public square upon the news of Kim Jong-il’s death. Those images provided by North Korean state media.

South Korea put its military on alert following the news of Kim Jong-il’s death. Not long after, North Korea reportedly test-fired a missile off its northern coast. The two sides have technically been at war since the signing of the Korean armistice in 1953.

Kim Jong-il’s youngest son, Kim Jung-un, is expected to become North Korea’s new leader. But it’s unclear if his ascendancy will bring about any real changes. Kim Jong-il ruled North Korea in concert with a large circle of regime insiders who remain at the helm.

While the Obama administration has continued the Bush stance of refusing direct negotiations, it’s engaged with North Korea indirectly through the “six-party talks” alongside South Korea, Japan, China and Russia. In Washington, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said the U.S. maintains hope for better relations with North Korea, but also concern for the plight of its people.

SECRETARY OF STATE HILLARY CLINTON : We both share a common interest in a peaceful and stable transition in North Korea, as well as an ensuring regional peace and stability. We have been in close touch with our partners in the six-party talks today. We reiterate our hope for improved relations with the people of North Korea and remain deeply concerned about their well-being.

AMY GOODMAN: For analysis on the death of Kim Jong-il and what it means for North Korea, the Korean Peninsula and the world, we begin our coverage in Seoul, South Korea, where we’re joined by Chung-in Moon, professor of political science at Yonsei University and editor-in-chief of Global Asia, an English quarterly magazine. He previously served in the South Korean government and was involved in diplomatic efforts with the North Korean government.

We welcome you to Demokrasie nou! Can you talk about the significance of the North Korean leader’s death and why South Korea is now on high alert?

CHUNG -IN MOON : But actually is very much a precautionary measure, because North Korea is going through the national mourning period, therefore North Korea is really obsessed with internal issues, therefore there’s no great threat coming from North Korea. But given the past history of animosity and confrontation between the two Koreas, our government has taken precautionary measures to stabilize the situation.

AMY GOODMAN: You actually met Kim Jong-il in 2000. Talk about the context of the meeting, and explain your—explain his significance in the Korean Peninsula.

CHUNG -IN MOON : I met him twice, one in 2000 and the other in 2007, during the two Korean summit talks. And I was very much impressed at the way he performed during those two summit talks. But he was a paramount leader of North Korea, and he was really dictating North Korean policy on South Korea, on the United States. Therefore, he has really unprecedented power in his hands. Therefore, he was dictating North Korean destiny, at the same time he was influencing inter-Korean relations. Therefore, I would say that he has a very important stature in the Korean history.

AMY GOODMAN: The intelligence services of South Korea, of the United States, of China, have been humiliated by what happened over the weekend. They did not know that Kim Jong-il had died until it was announced on—by the Korean media. What about the relationship between South Korea and North Korea? For people in the United States, although the U.S. is deeply involved in the militarization of the peninsula, the most militarized area on earth, there’s really very little knowledge about the Korean Peninsula, about what happens in North Korea, let alone South Korea.

CHUNG -IN MOON : During the past decade of the President Kim Dae-jung and President Roh Moo-hyun, there were quite high level of interactions between North and South Korea, therefore North Korean society was kind of exposed to South Korean society. But since the inauguration of President Lee Myung-bak, there have been very worsened relationship between North and South Korea. And there was the death of one tourist in Mount Kumgang area, and also there was the shelling of Yeonpyeong Island and torpedoing of our naval vessel. And all these things strained inter-Korean relations. And our government suspended all kinds of exchanges and cooperation with North Korea. But I think that has really delimited our access to intelligence in North Korea.

AMY GOODMAN: The fact that the Korean Peninsula is the most militarized area on earth—from your perspective in South Korea, Chung-in Moon, could you talk about the U.S. involvement in the region and how originally North and South Korea became separate countries?

CHUNG -IN MOON : When the Second World War was over, there was a so-called Yalta meeting. And in the Yalta meeting, there was a kind of tacit agreement between the United States and the Soviet Union to divide the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, Korean division was a direct product of the new beginning of the Cold War in 1945. And then, afterwards, the United States, as the occupation force in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula, returned the South Korean sovereignty to South Korean people. And on the other hand, North Korea was under the occupation of the Soviet Union, and the Soviet Union set up its puppet government in Pyongyang. And Kim Il-sung was the leader anointed by the Soviet Union. In that way, the Korean Peninsula was divided. In 1948, South Korea became the Republic of Korea as a sovereign—independent, sovereign state, and North was declared as the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in 1948. That was a fixed division of the Korean Peninsula.

AMY GOODMAN: We’re going to break and then bring other guests into this discussion, from Amnesty International and the Korea Policy Institute. Our guest in Seoul, South Korea, Professor Chung-in Moon, h is professor of political science at Yonsei University and editor-in-chief of Global Asia, an English quarterly magazine, met with Kim Jong-il twice, in 2000 and 2007. This is Demokrasie nou! Back in 60 seconds.

AMY GOODMAN: Our guest in Seoul, South Korea, Chung-in Moon, professor of political science, Yonsei University, editor-in-chief of Global Asia, an English quarterly magazine, previously served in the South Korean government, where he was involved with diplomatic efforts and met with Kim Jong-il, who died on Saturday, they say at the age of 69, though others say he was 70.

Christine Ahn is joining us from the University of California, Berkeley, studios, executive director of Korea Policy Institute.

Christine Ahn, if you could continue with this history lesson that Professor Chung-in Moon began for us, especially for people here in the United States. You know the lack of geographical awareness of people here. We live in an insulated world—a globalized world, but we’re very insulated in the United States. What do you feel it’s most important to understand about North Korea in a global context?

CHRISTINE AHN : Thanks, Amy.

I appreciated Professor Moon’s brief history lesson, but I felt he kind of omitted a few key factors in explaining that very pivotal moment in Korean history. Yes, the Korean Peninsula was divided unilaterally, first by the United States and then with a sort of nod of agreement from the Soviet Union, but it also played a very critical role in installing a military government in South Korea. And since that period, since 1945, when it first landed in Incheon, it has had, you know, up to—you know, now it currently has 28,500 troops on the Korean Peninsula. But the part about South Korea’s democracy being really quashed, actually, for quite many decades, with the backing of the U.S., and I think that’s the bit of Korean history that Professor Moon had left out.

And the other bit about Korea that most Americans don’t realize is that the Korean War, which was the first Cold War, the front of the Cold War, and it continues to be the remaining war that has been unresolved, and I would say that it’s very crucial to understand that the fact that the Korean War has not ended has very much to do with the situation that North Korea finds itself in and the fact that it is still the most militarized region in the world.

AMY GOODMAN: Professor Chung-in Moon, would you like to respond?

CHUNG -IN MOON : Ja. There are good things and bad things. The United States has played some role in the Korean division, and also United States was—in part, was a patronizing military government in South Korea. But eventually, in 1987, South Korea achieved democratization, with a little help of the United States, by our own passion and power. Therefore, I think that the United States had some part in it, but I think the South Korean people have been able to achieve democratization. Since then, we have been achieving both growth and democracy in South Korea, even though there are temporal setbacks in our democratic movement.

AMY GOODMAN: Christine Ahn, if you could expand to talk about this issue of the Korean Peninsula being the most militarized region on earth and the issue of North Korea being a nuclear nation and what this means in this transition of power.

CHRISTINE AHN : Well, there are an estimated 1.2 million land mines still strewn across the Demilitarized Zone, across the 38th parallel. North Korea is—you know, I think that’s the mixed legacy of Kim Jong-il. And, you know, on the one hand, he inherited a very difficult situation in North Korea in 1994. The country had just—you know, with the passing of Kim Il-sung, which was the only leader that the country had known since 1945, 1948, and the fact that that country was undergoing tremendous, like, calamitous shocks, external and internal. 1994, it was on the brink of war with the United States. The Clinton administration was poised to strike its Yongbyon processing plant. It had endured serious serial droughts and harsh inclement weather that is very similar to the patterns of climate change that we’re seeing today, especially throughout Asia. And it had—it endured the collapse of the socialist trading bloc, so its dependence on not just exchange with China and the Soviet Union, but especially the import of fuel to just run basic things like the tractors to operate its agricultural system. And so, it endured a very difficult famine, and up to—you know, as you mentioned, up to a million people perished in that famine. And so, this was the period in which Kim Jong-il took over the reins.

And, you know, I think that it’s really critical to understand the kind of geopolitical context and the fact that North Korea has always viewed its engagement with the United States through the six-party talks as an opportunity to normalize relations, because they have viewed the engagement with the West and the normalization, especially with the United States, its historic enemy, as crucial for its economic recalibration. And unfortunately, whether it’s the Bush administration, whether it’s the Obama administration, or even the Clinton administration, it has always viewed North Korea as, you know, this basket-case country that is on the brink of collapse. And that has tremendous consequences, not just for peace on the Korean Peninsula or for the region, but for the very security and survival of the people of North Korea, who are struggling on a day-to-day basis to have access to food, to have access to electricity.

So, if I were to say one thing on this show, it’s, you know, we need to promote engagement, we need to promote dialogue, and that’s what we know works. As Professor Moon has mentioned, you know, in that period of Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun, the previous presidents before Lee Myung-bak, there was a period of not just engagement between North and South Korean leaders and governments, but among civil society and families that have been divided, you know. I mean, there are millions of Korean families, especially here in the United States, who have still family in North Korea. So, I would say that this is an opportunity to—you know, we can conjecture all we want what’s going to happen to North Korea, and under the leadership of Kim Jong-un or the political elite, but what we can do is try to influence our political leaders to, you know, be in the spirit of engagement, direct dialogue and promotion of peace and reconciliation.

AMY GOODMAN: Christine Ahn, executive director of the Korean Policy Institute, can you talk about the significance of the nuclear bomb that North Korea has and how that really is what directs U.S. policy towards North Korea? And your sense of who Kim Jong-un, Kim Jong-il’s son, who is expected to succeed him, went recently with him on a trip to China, but very young, what—who he is and what the internal—the top circle in North Korea, how much power it wields versus what the son will wield?

CHRISTINE AHN : Well, Amy, sorry I got derailed there for a minute. But I would say that’s the mixed legacy of Kim Jong-il. I would say that the ordinary North Korean—I mean, and it’s so hard to tell. I mean, even the CIA says we don’t know what we don’t know about North Korea. But—and as you mentioned, you know, the intelligence failure, where most of the world didn’t even know that he had passed away two days after it had happened.

But the situation with Kim Jong-il is, you know, that the people were hoping for economic improvement in their day-to-day lives, and he was not able to see that through. And—but on the other hand, this is a perspective that I was able to get by traveling throughout North Korea, and it is that, you know, there’s a kind of reverence for Kim Jong-il by the people, because the North Korean people have a deep sense of needing sovereignty and independence. And that is because the birth of North Korea as a nation, you know, was essentially the result of resistance and revolution against foreign occupation, and that includes 35 years of Japanese occupation, but it also includes what they perceive as U.S. military occupation and the division of the Korean Peninsula. So, in some sense, there is a reverence for Kim Jong-il because he was able to acquire a nuclear weapon, and there was a pride that the North Koreans had about North Korea joining the nuclear club. And I think it’s important, though, to clarify that North Koreans, you know, don’t have that pride because they want to wield that nuclear weapon to threaten or terrorize the rest of the world, but I say that—in my conversations with the people of North Korea, it was that, you know, “We are lucky we have this, because we won’t be another Iraq. We won’t be another victim of U.S. military invasion.”

And, you know, the thing is, is that they are speaking from the lived experience. When I went to North Korea, others—I had a very interesting insight, where I would travel around the country, and with our guides, you know, they would always point to this building. This was a restaurant. It was, you know, a very ancient-looking Korean building. But it was—I was wondering, why are—why do they always keep pointing that building out? And the thing that was really surprising is that was the only building that remained since the Korean War. Otherwise, the rest of Pyongyang was essentially leveled. And that was because of the devastating air raids. More bombs were dropped in the Korean War than in World War II. Napalm was introduced. I mean, the U.S. bombed dams, which was considered a war crime under the Geneva Convention.

So, this is the kind of mindset, the kind of narrative, that is so deeply woven into the North Korean psyche. And I think that we have to understand that, as people in the United States, as a starting point to understand why in the six-party talks, why in the bilateral negotiations with North Korea, North Korea so desperately wants to build a relationship, and then they want to de-nuclearize, whereas the Obama, the Clinton, the Bush administrations have always viewed those fora to just disarm North Korea. And North Korea says, you know, “That’s not good enough. We need to have normalized relations. We need to have a peace treaty.” And that has been their stance, you know, starting from Kim Il-sung—

AMY GOODMAN: Christine Ahn—

CHRISTINE AHN : —through Kim Jong-il, and—yes.

AMY GOODMAN: As we continue our coverage of the death of Kim Jong-il, we wanted to look at his human rights legacy and what may lay ahead for his 29-year-old son Kim Jong-un, as he prepares to take power.


Kim Jong-Il's Natural Death Typical for Dictators

The death by natural causes of Kim Jong-Il highlights a possibly unpleasant truth about repressive dictators: Many, if not most, end up living long lives and dying peacefully.

Those who live by the sword don't necessarily die by it, according to "The Great Big Book of Horrible Things: The Definitive Chronicle of History's 100 Worst Atrocities" (W. W. Norton & Company, 2011). In it, Matthew White tracked the fates of the leaders most responsible for the 100-deadliest human events. A majority, he found, lived out their natural life spans in peace.

"About 60 percent of the individual oppressors and warmongers who were most responsible for each of these multicides lived happily ever after," White wrote.

For every Moammar Gadhafi killed in the streets by angry citizens, there is a Joseph Stalin, dead at 74 of a stroke. According to White, 49 percent of those responsible for the major massacres of history ruled until their deaths by natural causes. Another 11 percent enjoyed a peaceful retirement, while 8 percent were exiled before natural causes took their last breaths.

Of those whose ends were not as pleasant or natural, 9 percent were put on trial and executed, 8 percent were assassinated, 7 percent died in battle, 4 percent were imprisoned and 4 percent committed suicide. [How 13 of the Worst Dictators Died]

Kim Jong-Il died at age 69 of a heart attack Dec. 17, according to North Korea state television.

Perhaps the lengthy lives have to do with the spoils of leadership, as studies of U.S. presidents show that despite the stresses of being in charge, these men live just as long or longer than their contemporaries.

Mass Mourning

When dictators do die of natural causes, they rarely seem to take advantage of the warning signs of age and debilitation, according to Robert Gellately, a professor of history at Florida State University.

"The communist countries, from Lenin on, have prided themselves on being modern, but the one thing they never figured out is how to manage the transition when the leader passes away," Gellately told LiveScience. "Usually what happens is the leader, when they start to get ill … they talk about who might be suitable to replace them but they invariably point to all the flaws. They don't embrace mortality easily."

The result, Gellately said, is often a behind-the-scenes power struggle. It's not easy for outside observers to tell who is in charge, he said. When Stalin came to power in the 1920s, he said, foreign heads of state were flummoxed as to who really was pulling the strings &mdash ironic, Gellately said, because historians would later realize that Stalin made "absolutely every decision."

Stalin's death, in fact, might show some parallels to the death of Kim Jong-Il, Gellately said. Despite Stalin's repression, he was widely mourned.

"There was an enormous outpouring of sorrow, even in the Gulag," Gellately said. "There were prisoners who cried."

Likewise, video footage from North Korea shows citizens weeping openly in factories and streets.

"It's hard to know if it's genuine sorrow or if it's uncertainty about the future," Gellately said. "The motives of why people are moved are infinite, but it's an interesting phenomenon."

You can follow LiveScience senior writer Stephanie Pappas on Twitter @sipappas. Follow LiveScience for the latest in science news and discoveries on Twitter @livescience ensovoorts Facebook.


Death of Kim Jong Il - HISTORY

North Korean history holds many secrets. How and when did Kim Il Sung decide to make his son his heir? Was a colossal explosion at the Ryongchon station in 2004 an assassination attempt on Kim Jong Il and, if so, who was behind it? We do not know answers to these questions and are unlikely to get any while the DPRK exists.

But perhaps the strangest event in North Korean history was a message transmitted in November 1986 declaring Kim Il Sung to have died, over eight years before his actual death in July 1994.

North Korean history holds many secrets. How and when did Kim Il Sung decide to make his son his heir? Was a colossal explosion at the Ryongchon station in 2004 an assassination attempt on Kim Jong Il and, if so, who was behind it? We do not know answers to these questions and are unlikely to get any while the DPRK exists.

But perhaps the strangest event in North Korean history was a message transmitted in November 1986 declaring Kim Il Sung to have died, over eight years before his actual death in July 1994.


Kim Jong-il's death brings end to era of cruelty, mystery

'Dear Leader' Kim Jong-il's death ends 17 years of leadership defined by oppression, bizarre stories of grandeur, and tensions with the West over its nuclear program.

Kim Jong-il’s death at the age of 69 ended an era of profligacy and harshness that included reports of both his wild living in his many mansions and stories from defectors of extreme cruelty in a gulag system to which 200,000 people were constantly consigned.

The report of the demise of the man known as North Korea’s “dear leader” – who reportedly imported cognac along with Swedish hostesses and dined on fine food dished up by a Japanese chef who dedicated a special brand of sushi to him – confirmed speculation that he had been seriously ill for awhile.

Kim Jong-il was born in 1941 or 1942 near the Soviet Siberian city of Khabarosk while his father, the long-ruling Kim Il-sung, was an officer in the Red Army. However, most North Koreans never heard the truth about Kim Jong-il's origins. They were told that he was born in a cabin on Mount Paektu, the highest peak on the Korean peninsula, straddling the North Korean-Chinese border. As he was born, rainbows appeared in the heavens, according to the story put out by the propaganda machine that his father built over the years after he was sent by the Russians to Korea on a merchant ship following the Japanese surrender in August 1945.

Kim Jong-il was widely reported to have suffered a stroke in August 2008 and afterward disappeared from public view for several months while recovering. In the past two years his health appeared to greatly improve, and he went on regular inspection tours of military installations, factories, farms, and markets, generally accompanied by his son Kim Jong-un, who is poised to succeed him.

In fact, Kim Jong-il was last photographed on such a tour two days before his death, looking in good health – prompting speculation that he might actually have been assassinated.

“Pyongyang took two days to announce the death,” says Han Sung-joo, who was foreign minister when North Korea and the US agreed in Geneva on a plan for the North to halt its nuclear program in exchange for construction of two nuclear energy reactors. “They are trying to put up a face that is orderly and united.”

But, “we are not sure whether it was foul play or natural,” says Mr. Han, adding that “I don’t think North Korea was prepared” and “I don’t believe we can rule out anything.”

A female television announcer dressed in traditional black Hanbok attire burst into tears on Pyongyang television when she repeated the announcement that he had died “from fatigue and hard work” that caused a heart attack.

Both before and after he took over full power following his father's death in July 1994 – in the midst of a nuclear crisis that would be repeated throughout his 17 years in power – he was credited with achievements that went far beyond credibility.

Among the most dubious was the claim that he shot a hole in one on his first swing at a golf course and that he repeated the feat on numerous occasions. He also, in his younger days, was extremely interested in developing the North Korean film industry – so much so that he ordered the kidnapping in 1978 of a South Korean actress and her director husband from Hong Kong to work on North Korean films. The pair escaped to the US embassy in Vienna in 1986 after he allowed them to go there to attend a film festival.

Kim Jong-il rose to power initially as general secretary of the ruling Workers’ Party, long before the death of his father. But it was his positions as chairman of the national defense commission and commander of the armed forces that he used to exercise his unquestioned rule over his people and also to confront South Korea and the United States.

His legacy was his program for turning North Korea into a nuclear power while developing short-range, mid-range and finally long-range missiles with a potential to someday reach targets as distant as Alaska and Hawaii.

Yonhap, the South Korean news agency, reported that North Korea tested a missile Monday, probably before the announcement of Kim Jong-il’s death. North Korea exported short and mid-range missiles to clients ranging from Libya under Muammar Qaddafi to Iran, Syria, and Yemen.

North Korea’s claim to be a nuclear power rested on underground nuclear tests conducted in October 2006 and again in May 2009. The first test was believed to have been a disappointment, but the second demonstrated the North’s ability to explode a nuclear device successfully. The North Korean missile tests came during an impasse in six-party talks hosted by China beginning in 2005 and last held in Beijing in December 2008.

Nonetheless, Kim Jong-il raised high hopes for rapprochement on the Korean peninsula when he hosted South Korea’s president, Kim Da-jung, at the first North-South summit in June 2000. The summit produced a document committing the two leader to bringing about reconciliation beginning with reunions of members of the millions of families divided by the Korean War.

The spirit of the summit evaporated, however, with the revelation in October 2002 that North Korea also was working on a program for developing nuclear warheads from highly enriched uranium. North Korea had suspended production of warheads with plutonium at their core under the 1994 agreement.

Kim Jong-il also hosted Kim Dae-jung’s successor, Roh Moo-hyun, at a summit in October 2007, but North Korea’s hostility grew after the conservative Lee Myung-bak was elected South Korean president two months later and quickly cut off food aid to North Korea, saying the North should first stop its nuclear program. American nuclear physicist Sigfried Hecker, after seeing the uranium facility, said he was “stunned” at how advanced the program was.

The tragic downside was that North Korea’s nuclear program cost billions of dollars while severely sapping the economy. While Kim Jong-il appeared to sometimes entertain the idea of limited economic reforms, he basically could not tolerate free enterprise while many North Koreans survived only by clandestine free market activities.

Noord-Koreaanse lewensgehalte het in die middel van die negentigerjare die laagste vlak bereik, toe die land 'n hongersnood opgedoen het wat tot 2 miljoen lewens van hongersnood en siektes gekos het. Noord -Korea het sedertdien deur periodes van diepe ekonomiese nood gegaan. Miljoene bly ondervoed en ly aan siektes, terwyl die land 'n militêre masjien van meer as een miljoen troepe onderhou.

Kim Jong-il se droom was egter om Noord-Korea op te bou as ''n sterk en voorspoedige nasie' betyds vir 'n landswye viering in April volgende jaar as die 100ste herdenking van sy vader se geboorte.