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Solder Swart-figuur Amphora



Solder Griekse Swart-Figuur Nek Amphora met Athena en strydwa

Kant A van die amfora toon die godin Athena aan wat 'n wa met vier perde (quadriga) en hou 'n teuels in elke hand (ook met 'n goot in die regterkant). Sy is met 'n helm en dra 'n kledingstuk met 'n patroon, 'n dwarsstreep oor 'n chiton. Die B -kant toon 'n vegter wat twee spiese dra en 'n skild vashou met dolfyne. Hy word omring deur bejaarde, bebaarde figure geklee in himasie, van wie hy afskeid neem. Die nek en oppervlak onder die drievoudige riethandvatsels is palmette met stingels, sommige buig om met lotusblomme te skakel. Strale spring uit die torusvoet, verreken deur dubbele kolletjies daarbo en 'n band van kort houe om die skouer. Hierdie versiering gee die Dot-band Class sy naam, in styl naby die Edinburgh Painter. Wit en pers pigmente is bygevoeg om verdere besonderhede te onderskei.


Geskryf deur Allie Gloe, kuratoriese intern

Onbekend (Grieks), solder swart figuur Amphora, c. 520 - 510 vC, terracotta, 16 in., Museumaankoop, AP.1966.21.1

Die amfora was 'n algemene stuk in die antieke Griekeland en is tipies gevorm met 'n afneembare basis en nek, 'n wye lyf en twee handvatsels. Hierdie vaasvormige houer is gebruik as 'n opbergbak of vervoerhouer vir beide droë en vloeibare produkte, maar hierdie amfora is heel waarskynlik vir wyn gebruik. Rondom die amfora word die optog van Dionysos, die Griekse god van wyn en wynmaak, geïllustreer. Aan die een kant van die vaartuig hou Dionysos lang wingerdstokke en 'n kantharos, 'n bakvormige houer wat Dionysos se wyn bevat en nooit leeg is nie. Hy staan ​​tussen twee baardige satiere, wat half man en half bok is, en word gevolg deur 'n voortdurende optog van Maenads, wat aan die ander kant van die vaartuig uitgebeeld word. Maenads, of “rasende kinders”, is wilde wyfies en volgelinge van Dionysos wat sterk dronk word en irrasioneel raak.

Hierdie Griekse amfora maak gebruik van die swartfiguurstyl van vaasskildery, wat figure en ander ontwerpe amper soos silhoeëtte maak. Natuurlike kleivate is versier met 'n swart strokie en dan ingesny om detail en verdere ontwerp te skep. Na die afvuurproses sou die natuurlike kleur van die klei rooi word om 'n ryk agtergrond te skep en ook deur die talle swart figure uit te steek. Hierdie swart figuur, Griekse vase was uiters gewild onder Etruske, wat later hul eie swartfiguurtegniek ontwikkel het op grond van Griekse voorbeelde.


Drie Die François Vaas

Honderd en veertig jaar het verloop sedert die François -vaas (pls. 23–29, 4), [1] nou in die Argeologiese Museum in Florence, net buite die Etruskiese stad Chiusi ontdek is deur die toegewyde Italiaanse graafmachine wie se naam dit nie is nie onregverdig dra. Die graf waarin dit geplaas is, is in die oudheid beroof, die rowers het die voorwerpe in edelmetaal geneem, maar hulle het toegelaat om die kleivaas te breek en baie van die stukke wyd en syd buite die graf te verstrooi. In sy soektog daarna is destyds beraam dat Alessandro François 'n gebied gegrawe het wat gelyk is aan die van die Colosseum in Rome. Lank daarna het een van die fragmente wat nog ontbreek is, deur 'n ploegman opgedaag en dit is nie onmoontlik dat ander steeds aan die lig kan kom nie.

Die vaas is ongeveer 570 v.C. Dit dra die handtekeninge van twee kunstenaars, die pottebakker Ergotimos en die skilder Kleitias. Dit is vreemd om te dink hoe min ons daarvan moet weet as hierdie een vaas nie gevind is nie. Dieselfde paar handtekeninge kom voor op twee klein vase en op figuurlose fragmente van twee klein koppies. Ons het ook fragmente van 'n paar vase, sonder handtekening, wat volgens ons deur Kleitias is, maar sonder die François -vaas moes ons nie die kunstenaar kon noem nie.

Die vorm-Ergotimos se werk-is wat bekend staan ​​as 'n volute-krater, 'n krater met volute handvatsels (pl. 23). Dit is die vroegste Attic volute-krater, en een van die vroegste Grieke. Dit is 'n fyner en meer uitgebreide weergawe van die kolomkrater, wat oorspronklik 'n korintiese tipe vaas was, maar as dit al lank in Attika aangepas was. Later pottebakkers vergroot die volute van die volute-krater, voeg 'n lip bo die mond, verander die vorm van die voet en maak die hele vaas langer, maar Ergotimos se model bly onoortreflik. Die volute-handvatsels is moontlik deur werkers in metaal uitgevind, maar die brons volute-kraters wat ons bereik het, het geen spesiale verbinding met die François-vaas nie, waarvan die ontwerp deeglik keramiek is.

Die vaas, meer as ses-en-twintig sentimeter hoog, is oral versier met baie rye klein figure, presies, hoekig en skerp, byna almal geïdentifiseer deur inskripsies. Die

[1] Sien bladsye 97–98 vir genommerde aantekeninge by hoofstuk iii.

die oppervlak gely het, en die wit dele van die skildery, veral baie van die bruin lyne wat bo -op die wit aangebring is, het verdwyn, sodat die vroulike figure 'n ietwat spektrale voorkoms het wat nie oorspronklik is nie. Fragmente van 'n ander vaas deur Kleitias, in Athene, word byna perfek bewaar (pl. 29, 5), [2] en gee 'n idee van hoe die vroulike figure op die François -vaas gelyk het toe hulle vars was.

(Daar is 'n paar foto's van die hele vaas, maar ons gebruik meestal die tekeninge wat Reichhold in 1900 gemaak het, nie perfek nie, maar so amper as wat 'n mens kan hoop, is dit 'n wonder van geduld en vaardigheid. ) [3]

Voordat ons die verskillende prente ondersoek, kyk ons ​​na die onderwerp as 'n geheel. Dit is nie eenvormig nie, daar is verskeie temas. Eerstens: die onderwerpe van die hoofbeeld, wat reg rondom die vaas hardloop, en van die drie ander figuurgebiede op die voorkant, is uit die lewens van die held geneem Peleus en sy seun Achilles terwyl die onderste prentjie op elke handvatsel, soos gesien sal word, in 'n smal ruimte die laaste episode in daardie verhaal uitbeeld, lyk die dooie liggaam van Achilles uit die veld. Tweedens: Theseus is die held van die boonste nek-prentjie op die omgekeerde van die vaas, en hy neem ook deel aan die sentauromachy daaronder. Derde: die oorblywende figuurtoneel, die Terugkeer van Hephaistos , is nie afkomstig van heroïese legende nie, maar uit die lewe in Olympus, homeries van sy komiese kant beskou. Dit word op 'n vernuftige wyse gekoppel aan die hoofrol deur die spesiale rol wat twee gode, Dionysos en Hephaistos, in albei speel. Vierdens: die onderste van die figuurgebiede is gewy aan die wilde diere wat, soos ons gesien het, baie beteken het vir die Grieke van die vroeëre argaïese tydperk: sfinkse, en griffins, stilstaande leeus en panters wat bul, takbokke en varke aanval. Die sfinks word herhaal, kleiner, in die boonste hoeke van die mond van die vaas aan die een kant. Die hooffoto op elke handvatsel is uit dieselfde ryk geneem, want dit verteenwoordig die godin Artemis opgevat as Koningin van wilde diere . Vyfde: daar is plante lewe sowel as diere, hoewel hoogs gestileerd-plantkomplekse tussen die sfinkse en tussen die griffins, in die dieregebied blombande aan die kante van die handvatsels en die ondergeskikte versiering, die sogenaamde tongpatroon en straalpatroon, is ook blomagtig. Sesde: 'n laaste verre blik op die heroïese wêreld word gegee deur die Gorgons aan die binnekant van die handvatsels, want dit roep 'n groot held van 'n ouer geslag op, Perseus . Sewende en laaste: die smal sone aan die voet van die vaas word gevul deur 'n serio-komiese konflik, die Slag tussen die Pygmeë en die hyskrane .

Die belangrikste prentjie, wat reg rondom die skouer en middel van die vaas loop, is die troue van Peleus, of, om presies te wees, die gode wat die pasgetroude paar besoek (pl. 24). Die verhaal is vertel in epiese gedigte wat nou verlore is. Die seegodin Thetis, die oudste van die vyftig dogters van die seegod Nereus, was deur Zeus en Poseidon bewoë, maar toe hulle verneem dat sy bestem was om 'n seun sterker as sy vader te kry, het hulle besluit om te trou nie 'n god nie, maar 'n sterflike, en het die held Peleus gekies. Die troue was een van die bekendste in die oudheid en is deur al die gode bygewoon. Dit was tydens die huweliksfees dat die geskil ontstaan ​​het tussen die drie godinne wat gelei het tot die oordeel van Parys en dus tot die skuld van Helen, die Trojaanse

Oorlog, die dood van Achilles en die ruïne van Troje. Regs is die huis van Peleus, en Thetis sit daarin, trek haar mantel van haar gesig af en kyk deur die half-oop deur na wat nader kom Peleus staan ​​by die altaar voor die huis om die gode te verwelkom. Natuurlik sou die huis natuurlik in profiel gesien word, en Thetis sou glad nie gesien word nie, maar Kleitias het die huis met vrymoedigheid na ons toe gedraai, terwyl hy Thetis in profiel gelaat het. Die huis is een van die drie geboue wat op die vaas voorgestel word, en dit is belangrik vir die geskiedenis van die Griekse argitektuur, veral van vroeë konstruksies, gedeeltelik uit hout, gedeeltelik in klip. Dit is 'n gewelgebou, met 'n stoep wat gevorm word deur die uitsteeksel van die symure, en met twee kolomme tussen die versierde muurpunte. Byna alles word gegee, selfs aan die katgat, soos dit moet wees, die gat vir 'n troeteldier om te flou en in. Die lang optog word gelei deur Chiron en Iris. Die meeste van die centaurs was wild, maar 'n paar nie, en die hoof hiervan was Chiron, dikaiotatoVKentaurwn , soos Homeros hom noem, die regste of mees beskaafde van centaurs. Die meer burgerlike centaurs word dikwels voorgestel as klere dra, en as 'n volledige menslike liggaam, waaraan die loop en agterkwart van 'n perd geheg is, en so ook Chiron. Hy was die groot opvoeder van helde, van Peleus, van Achilles, van Jason en van vele ander: hy het hulle nie net hul prestasies, skiet, ry, jag, eerstehulp en die res geleer nie, maar ook hul gedragsbeginsels as wel. Hy gryp Peleus aan die hand, en as 'n groot jagter skouer hy 'n sparretak, met twee hase daaraan vasgemaak, en 'n ander dier. Iris is hier as 'n aankondiger van die gode, met 'n kort tuniek aan, sodat sy kan hardloop, met 'n gevlekte bruin vel om die middel. Dan kom drie wyfies langs mekaar en deel, soos dikwels in vroeëre argaïese kuns, 'n enkele groot mantel. In die middel is Chariklo, vrou van Chiron langs haar, Hestia en Demeter, susters van Zeus en oudste dogters van Kronos. Hulle word gevolg deur 'n vreemde figuur. Dit is Dionysos, maar nêrens anders word hy so voorgestel nie. Hy haas hom, struikel amper vorentoe en hou 'n amfora vol wyn op sy skouer, wyn vir die fees. 3 bis Die kop is na ons toe gedraai, voorkant. Een of twee vlakke op die vaas is frontaal in plaas van in profiel. Frontale mensgesigte kom al in die sewende eeu voor (daar is geen driekwart gesigte in die Griekse skildery tot na die begin van die vyfde nie). By argaïese skildery word die voorkant nie lukraak gebruik nie. [4] Die god hier, wat die gewig en moeite voel, draai na die toeskouer, amper asof dit simpatie is, 'n kontras met die maklike, onbewuste dra van die ander gode. Kom dan, deel 'n mantel soos voorheen, die drie Horai, dogters van Zeus - Seisoene, nie ons vier nie, maar godinne van alle seisoenale vermeerdering, en so in plek by 'n troue. Die peplos van die verste Hora is een van die wonderlike kledingstukke, versier met rye waens, ruiters, diere en blomme, waarvan daar sewe op ons vaas is. Die vroegste verwysing na sulke kledingstukke in die poësie is in die Ilias, [5], waar Helen 'n groot rooi web weef met tonele uit die Trojaanse Oorlog, wat 'n mens aan die Bayeux Tapestry laat dink. Geen sulke kledingstukke het oorleef uit die Griekse argaïese tydperk nie, maar dit word in die middel van die sewende eeu voorgestel. Nou begin die waens. Eerstens Zeus en Hera. Die perde, in plaas van om al vier hoewe plat op die grond te plant, soos perde wat loop in alle vroeëre Griekse kuns, [6] lig die voorhoof af sodat dit die

gemaal met die punt is net 'n klein verandering, maar dit gee 'n ligter effek en was 'n nuwigheid in die tyd van Kleitias. Die paalperde dra almal topknope en hou hul koppe omhoog terwyl die spoorperde hulle s'n buig. [7] Hierdie wa en die twee opeenvolgende word vergesel deur die nege muise, ook dogters van Zeus, onder leiding van Kalliope, wat nie die fluit speel nie, wat die instrument van die muise is toe ons die eerste keer van hulle hoor in poësie, maar die syrinx of Pan-pype. Haar kop is frontaal. Die Muses het tydens die bruilofsfees gesing. Dan kom Poseidon met sy vrou Amphitrite, en Ares met Aphrodite, wat dikwels as man en vrou verbind word. [8] Die kunstenaar vra jou om te dink dat die prentjie volledig was en dat die handvatsel bo -op was, maar dit is natuurlik net 'n fiksie. Dan kom Apollo, en miskien sy ma Leto, vergesel, waarskynlik, deur die Charites of Graces, ook dogters van Zeus. Dan bestuur Athena 'n godin wat moeilik is om te noem - die opskrif is verlore - maar dit kan Artemis wees. Athena, die godin van Athene, word spesiaal vereer, want sy word verwelkom deur die pa en moeder van die bruid - ou Nereus, wat die weg wys, en Doris sy vrou. Dan Hermes in sy strydwa, saam met sy ma Maia, begelei deur die Moirai, die lotgevalle, wat baie te doen het met huwelik en geboorte en laaste, as die verste woonplek, Okeanos, die seestroom wat vermoedelik die hele aarde omvat, met Tethys sy eggenoot. Byna niks van hierdie laaste twee figure bly oor nie, maar genoeg om aan te toon dat Okeanos verteenwoordig is met 'n menslike liggaam, maar die kop en nek van 'n bul. [9] Riviergode is deur die vroeë Grieke as bulagtig beskou, en Okeanos was die grootste riviere. Euripides noem hom lank daarna, taurokranoV . [10] Okeanos en sy vrou word bygewoon deur 'n drietal wyfies, waarskynlik Nereïdes, susters van Thetis, en 'n seegod wat eindig in die stert van 'n vis, of liewer 'n seeslang, 'n pristis , Triton. Dit is die laaste wa, maar nie die einde van die optog nie. Soos in die vroeëre prentjie van die onderwerp deur Sophilos, bring die kreupel god Hephaistos die agterkant na vore. Hephaistos, toe hy deur sy moeder Hera uit die hemel verdryf is, het by Eurynome en Thetis, dogter en kleindogter van Okeanos, skuiling gevind, en het nege jaar vir hulle in 'n grot van Oseaan gewerk, miskien word hy nog steeds as hul gas beskou. Terwyl Dionysos te voet voor die waens kom, haastig, belas, met sy gesig omgedraai, kom Hephaistos agter die strydwaens aan sonder om te ry, maar sy-saal op 'n donkie te ry, draai hy ook gedeeltelik na die toeskouer. Hierdie twee gode, wat in hierdie toneel 'n geringe plek inneem, sal later vergoed word deur hul triomf in 'n ander toneel, die Return of Hephaistos.

Die onderwerp wat die voorste helfte van die sone onder die troue beslaan, is geneem uit die verlore epos, die Cypria dit is een van die vroegste episodes in die Trojaanse Oorlog (pl. 25, 1-3). Volgens 'n orakel kon Troy nie geneem word as Troilos, die jongste seun van Priamus, sy twintigste jaar bereik het nie. Achilles lê en wag by die fontein buite die stad, en toe Troilos sy perde kom natmaak, spring hy uit. Troilos het opgetrek en afgestap na die altaar van Apollo, in die hoop op heiligdom, maar die vloot Achilles, alhoewel hy in swaar pantser was, het hom agternagesit, hom ingehaal en op die altaar self gedood. Troilos in hierdie toneel word gereeld vergesel deur sy suster Polyxena, wat na die fontein gekom het om haar hidria te vul, wat sy laat val terwyl sy weghardloop. Athena

moedig Achilles aan. Hermes sê iets vir Thetis, Achilles se ma, wat bang is. Links is die fontein wat na ons gedraai is toe die huis van Peleus 'n jeug was en 'n meisie nog steeds water trek. Uiterst links kom Apollo ontstoke op toe hy Troilos gesien het wat op pad was na die heiligdom, en hy vermoed dat Achilles nie sal huiwer om te oortree nie. Achilles het in werklikheid die woede van die god, wat nie vergeet het nie, opgedoen en het Parys lank daarna gehelp om Achilles dood te maak. Regs op die foto is 'n ander gebou, die stadsmuur van Troje. Daar voor sit die bejaarde Priam, wat saam met sy vriend Antenor die lug ingeneem het. Antenor het met ontsteltenis gesien wat in die verte plaasvind (die interval tussen Antenor en Polyxena is nie werklik nie: die argaïese kunstenaar laat nie 'n groot gaping tussen een figuur en 'n ander nie, maar sprei hulle eweredig). Antenor haas hom terug na Priam, wat geskrik instinktief uit sy stoel opstaan. Priam is 'n ongewone en ekspressiewe figuur. Kaal, met geknipte baard en plooie op voorkop en nek, hy het 'n geduldige, geringe gesig en die bros voorkoms van ouderdom. Boonop word een van sy voete reguit teruggetrek en op die grond rus met slegs tone en bal. In die vroeë Griekse kuns hou gesette figure hul bene naby mekaar en hul voete plat op die grond. Dit, en nog 'n figuur op die François -vaas (Ares in die volgende toneel), is die vroegste sitfigure wat een van die bene terugtrek - ten minste in die Griekse kuns [11] in Egipties en Mesopotamië is daar baie vroeëre voorbeelde. [12] Die alarm is afgekondig en 'n reddingsparty, onder leiding van Troilos se broers, Hector en Polites, kwessies van die swaar stadspoorte. Op die kantels, in die omhelsings, is daar hope klippe wat aanvallers moet gooi. Klipgooi was 'n belangrike deel van die ou verdedigingstaktiek, en selfs in die vierde eeu beskryf die militêre kenner Aeneas Tacticus 'n metode om die klippe onder die dekmantel van die nag op te haal. [13] As ons 'n laaste blik op hierdie prentjie neem, sien ons dat die komposisie ver van primitief is. In die middel, ses syfers na links en regs, drie figure en 'n gebou (die twee broers vertel as 'n enkele figuur), die linkerkantgroep met die middelste verbind deur die meisie Rhodia wat rondkyk en haar arms ontstel het. die groep aan die regterkant, gekoppel aan die middelste deur die figuur van Antenor, kyk ook rond-genoeg bly om dit seker te maak-en strek sy arms uit.

Die toneel op die ander helfte van hierdie sone is die terugkeer van Hephaistos (pl. 25, 4). Dit is een van die gay en oneerbiedige verhale oor die gode waarvan daar goeie voorbeelde in Homeros is, veral die lê van Demodokos in die Odyssey, waar Hephaistos sy vrou Aphrodite en haar minnaar Ares in 'n onsigbare net vang. Die verhaal van die terugkeer van Hephaistos is vertel in 'n gedig waarvan daar nie 'n woord oorbly nie, maar wat in die hooflyne daarvan herkonstrueer kan word uit kort toespelings by antieke skrywers en met behulp van vase, veral die François -vaas, wat ver die mees uitgebreide voorstelling van die onderwerp. [14] Hera, walg van haar seun Hephaistos omdat hy 'n lelike kreupel was, het hom uit die hemel gegooi, en hy sou in groot nood verkeer het as hy nie by Thetis skuiling gevind het nie. Hephaistos het sy ma vergewe en vir haar 'n geskenk van 'n meesterstuk van sy vakmanskap gemaak, 'n wonderlike troon, maar toe sy daarin sit, kon sy nie opstaan ​​nie. Net Hephaistos kon haar bevry, en hy het verdwyn. Ares, haar seun, het gespog dat hy Hephaistos sou gaan haal

terug met geweld, maar Hephaistos slaan hom met vuurwapens af - hy was die uitvinder van artillerie - en Ares tree ontevrede uit. Uiteindelik het Dionysos deur die krag van wyn Hephaistos laat terugkeer. Daar was 'n spesiale aansporing dat Zeus so ver gegaan het om die hand van Aphrodite te beloof aan elkeen wat Hephaistos moet terugneem. So het Hephaistos Aphrodite as vrou gehad, maar Hera, om Dionysos te beloon, het die gode oortuig dat hy ook tot Olympus toegelaat moet word.

In die linker helfte van die prentjie, teenstrydige emosies en 'n gelaaide atmosfeer. Hera sit op die troon, met ongeduldige hande. Zeus sit by haar, 'n ongelukkige koning. Aphrodite verdwaal by die aanskoue van haar toekomstige man. Agter sit Ares op 'n lae blok en val nog 'n ekspressiewe figuur met sy regterbeen teruggetrek. Hy is een van daardie lang, langruggenote. Athena spot met hom, en die taal wat sy moet gebruik, kan verkry word uit Homeros, waar die Olimpiërs nie hul tonge spaar nie, en veral Ares kom selde 'n goeie woord van een van hulle teë. Drie ander gode haas hulle op, Artemis, Poseidon en Hermes. In die regter helfte van die gebied kom 'n buitengewone optog nader. Dionysos - hy het die beste kop in die hele prentjie - lei die muil waarop Hephaistos ry. Hierdie keer is dit 'n muil, nie 'n donkie nie. Die kreupelheid van Hephaistos word nie so gewelddadig weergegee soos in vroeë nie-solderprente, waar sy bene wreed vervorm is: die skenkels is goed gevorm, maar die aanhegting is gebrekkig en die tone wys na links en regs. Drie satiere, of silenoi soos hulle hier genoem word-albei name pas by hierdie perdemense-volg, die lyfwag van Dionysos en vier nimfe, hul metgeselle. Die eerste satyrbroek onder die gewig van 'n wynsak vol om die tweede te bars, is die fluitspeler wat 'n noodsaaklike deel van 'n Griekse optog was, die derde het 'n nimf in sy arms van die tweede nimf ingehaal, net die hand bly oor, en die die derde is ook fragmentêr, die vierde speel die simbale, 'n orgiastiese instrument wat tot dusver in die hemel nog nooit gehoor is nie.

Dit is 'n vroeë voorstelling van Dionysos, dit is vreemd dat daar niemand is voor die sesde eeu nie. [15] Ook satiere verskyn die eerste keer in die vroeë deel van die sesde eeu. [16] Kleitias se satiere is die ongewoonste; dit is nie net dat hulle perdebene het nie en nie net perde se sterte en ore nie-so ook ander satiere in swart figuur,-maar hulle hele aspek is maer en perdagtig, en anders as die meeste swart figuur satiere hulle het niks van die vark nie. Die koppe van Kleitias se satiere, met hul ruim akkeragtige neuse, en die hare wat oor die voorkop uittroon, is baie soos die koppe van sy sentaurs, maar in elk geval wilder en skrikwekkender.

Dus word die twee gode wat tevrede moes wees met 'n nederige plek by die troue van Peleus, ten koste van al die ander.

Die derde sone op die liggaam is gewy aan diere. Hierdie is, soos ons gesien het, nie net dekoratief in die vroeë Griekse kuns nie, maar 'n betekenisvolle verskrikking en mag. Daar is ses groepe. In die middel van die voorkant, alhoewel buite die middel, bestaan ​​'n paar sfinkse met 'n gestileerde plant tussen, waarvan hulle vermoedelik as 'n bewaarde Oosterse komposisie bewaak word, uit twee diere wat 'n heilige boom bewaak. Links van hulle, 'n panter wat 'n hert regs van hulle aanval, 'n jong bul wat deur 'n panter aangeval word. Aan die ander kant van die vaas, 'n paar griffins met 'n plant tussenin. Na links

van hulle, 'n vark wat deur 'n leeu regs van hulle aangeval is, 'n leeu wat 'n bul aanval. Al hierdie sterk wesens het 'n nuwe elegansie, en daar is baie nuwe of oorspronklike eienskappe. Griffins kom nie naastenby so algemeen voor op die solderkuns as in die vroeë Griekse kuns elders nie, en dit is die vroegste griffins op soldervase. [17] Hierdie voëlkopdiere het selde sulke fyn tande soos hier. Die panter, wat albei voorpote opsteek, die hals van die takbok vasgryp en dit byt, is geensins 'n vee nie en daar is geen parallel met die houding van die poot in twee van hierdie groepe nie. In ander dieregroepe word die poot óf van agter gesien (soos in die panter aan die regterkant), óf van die kant (soos in die panter aan die linkerkant) hier kan dit met die kloue omhoog gesien word, asof dit 'n boonste snit. Kleitias kon nooit 'n leeu gesien het nie, en moes hierdie stuk realisme gekry het uit die waarneming van een van die klein katte.

Op die boonste sone van die nek, aan die voorkant van die vaas, die Jag van die Calydoniese varke (pl. 26, 1-3). Die uitstekende beskrywing van die jag in swinburne's Atalanta in Calydon is gebaseer op Ovidius, wat 'n goeie Griekse oorspronklike voor hom gehad het, waarskynlik die Meleager van Euripides, en was wys genoeg om dit noukeurig te volg. Euripides het op sy beurt sy vertelling gebaseer op 'n vroeëre gedig, miskien dieselfde as wat Kleitias of sy geleerde adviseur gebruik het. Artemis, kwaad vir Oineus, die koning van Calydon, het 'n monsteragtige vark gestuur om sy land te verwoes en mense uit die hele Griekeland moes kies om dit te oorkom. Die belangrikste onder die jagters was Meleager en Peleus, en Peleus en Meleager word op die voorste plek vertoon. Peleus is sonder baard: hierdie avontuur word beskou as 'n afspraak toe hy nog jonk was, voor sy huwelik. Langs hierdie twee was die maagd Atalanta, wat met 'n pyl eerste bloed getrek het. Hier het sy al geskiet en dra nou die spies, maar haar koker is om haar skouer. Sy is geklee in 'n kort tuniek en is die enigste figuur op die vaas wat 'n krans dra. Die aksie is baie ordelik en simmetries. Die vark in die middel, deurboor deur vier pyle, twee van links en twee van regs, 'n hond agter op die vark, 'n ander een op sy kruis, 'n derde onthoof. Onder die vark lê Ankaios dood. Die jagters val in pare aan, met kort spiese, lang spies en boogskutters, en dra eksotiese Oosterse hoede-Kleitias is geïnteresseerd in hoede-en twee daarvan met Oosterse klinkende name. Die honde word genoem, sowel as die jagters. Een ou skrywer vertel ons dat Atalanta se hond, Aura (Breeze), by hierdie geleentheid vermoor is, maar Aura is nie een van die honde wat Kleitias genoem het nie.

Die jag van varke sonder vuurwapens is 'n ander saak as die moderne varkejag en om dit te voet te jag, van varkstokkies te perd. Die aksiestadium wat Kleitias gekies het, is dieselfde as in die meeste antieke voorstellings van varkjagte: [18] dit is wanneer die jagters na die vooraanval met missiele die vark in die baai toemaak. 'Die moeilikste en mees ervare man in die veld', om Xenophon se instruksies in sy verhandeling oor jag aan te haal, 'nader nou die vark van voor, kyk dit in die oë, linkervoet vorentoe, hou die spies met albei hande, links hand hoër op die as, en die regterkant laer af - die linkerhand moet die spies lei, terwyl die ander stoot. " [19] Dit is die houding van Meleager en Peleus oor die François -vaas.

In die tyd van Xenophon is die vark gewoonlik in nette gedryf, maar in bedompige weer, sê hy, kan honde hom afjaag sonder om nette te gebruik, want as die vark sterk is, verloor hy asem en moeg. [20] Dit was gevaarlike werk, maar Meleager en sy kamerade moes seker gejag het, sonder nette.

Die boonste sone van die nek: op die agterkant, 'n skip en 'n dans (pl. 27, 1-3). (Die prentjie is hier deurlopend, die moderne tekenaar het dit verdeel en een figuur herhaal.) Die onderwerp is geneem uit die legende van Theseus. Die Atheners is deur koning Minos van Kreta gedwing om 'n huldeblyk van sewe jongmense en sewe meisies te stuur om aan die Minotaur blootgestel te word in sy doolhofvastheid, die Labirint. Theseus het na Kreta geseil, die doolhof ingeryg met behulp van die draaddraad wat Ariadne, dogter van Minos, aan hom gegee het, die monster doodgemaak, die veertien gered en uit die labirint gewerk. Ons word vertel dat hy en die veertien hul bevryding gevier het deur 'n dans, waarin hulle die proses van hul uitgang hand in hand naboots. Dit is wat ons in die regter helfte van die prentjie sien - een van die lang, kronkelende danse wat nog in Griekeland te sien is. Theseus, in 'n feestelike kleed, lei die dans en speel die lier. Ariadne hou voor hom die draaddraad omhoog, rol weer op en sy word begelei deur haar klein verpleegster, wie se naam deur Plutarchus, Korkyne, aangeteken word, maar Kleitias noem haar eenvoudig 'verpleegster' qrofoV . Nou die linker helfte van die prentjie. Dit word dikwels verkeerd verstaan, en sommige het aangeneem dat Phaidimos, die laaste van die veertien, vermoedelik pas van die skip af geland het. Dit is nie so nie. Die dans het net begin, en hy is die laaste wat daarby aangesluit het - 'n instrument van die skilder om 'n tikkie lewe en afwisseling by te voeg tot die pragtige formele afbakening van die dans. Wat die skip betref, is daar geen literêre rekord om ons te help nie, en ons moet dit uit die prentjie self verduidelik. Die verduideliking is dat die skip van Theseus, nadat hy hom op Kreta, naby Cnossos geland het, sekerlik moes afgevaar het, met instruksies om na 'n gegewe tyd terug te keer, dat dit nie veilig was om vas te lê nie. Terugkeer soos beveel, sonder om te weet of hulle ooit weer die oë op hom sou kyk, sien hulle die dans opstaan ​​en sien met vreugde dat die onderneming suksesvol was. [21]

Die skip is 'n lang, lae, oop roeivaartuig met 'n enkele seil. Ons sien die stangpaal en die voordek die reling, die agterste ronding en eindig in 'n paar swanekoppe, versterk deur 'n hout met 'n stut. Die stuurman, warm geklee, sit op die agterstewe met die twee stuur-roeispane. Die mas is verlaag - die enigste voorstelling hiervan in die oudheid, hoewel die proses dikwels in Homeros beskryf word. Daar heers groot opgewondenheid en vreugde. Sommige van die roeiers staan ​​op uit hul sitplekke, en een van hulle gooi sy arms van vreugde op. 'N Ander man het oorboord gespring en geswem om te land, met 'n treurige beroerte. Sestien roeiers word bewaar, en daar was waarskynlik dertig — die vaartuig was 'n triakonter. 'N Gedeelte van die skip ontbreek, die voorstok het 'n snawel in die vorm van 'n vark.

Dit is inderdaad 'n baie seldsame onderwerp; die enigste ander voorbeelde wat ons daarvan het, is deur Kleitias self. Klein fragmente van twee wonderlike vase wat op die Akropolis van Athene gevind is, kom uit foto's van die dans op groter skaal as in die François -vaas (pl. 29, 6 en pl. 30, 2). Uit een vaas, dele van die dansers. [22] Van die ander, die

gesig van 'n vrou en agterkant van 'n kop, met die opskrif [EUR ]ysthenes , die naam van die vyfde danser van links op die François -vaas. [23]

Die onderste gedeelte van die nek: aan die voorkant van die vaas, 'n wa-wedloop (pl. 26, 1-3). Dit is die belangrikste gebeurtenis tydens die begrafniswedstryde wat Achilles ter ere van Patroklos gehou het, beskryf in die drie-en-twintigste boek van die Ilias. Achilles staan ​​op die paal, en die pryse is driepote-brons kookpotte op drie bene-en brons lebetes, of, soos ons dit nou noem, dinoi-groot ronde mengbakke. Die pryse word gebruik om die leemtes onder die perde te vul, 'n ou byeenkoms. Die vyf bestuurders dra die lang rok van die regulasie en hou, behalwe die leisels, die bok vas. Een van hulle kyk terug. Vreemd genoeg wyk Kleitias wyd af van die Homeriese rekening [24] van sy vyf waens wat slegs Diomed in Homerus aan die wedloop deelneem, en hy, die wenner, loop derde in Kleitias. Twee van die vyf, Damasippos en Hippothoön, word nie eers in die Ilias genoem nie. Die ander is Odysseus, wat lei - maar in Homeros nie meegeding het nie - en Automedon. Dit is almal goeie heroïese name, maar Kleitias, wat aan homself oorgelaat is, het die veld nie onthou nie en kon niemand vind wat sy geleerde vriend gedoen het nie.

As kunswerk is die prentjie tradisioneel. Daar is 'n paar variëteite, maar nie soveel as wat verwag kon word nie: die een wa lyk baie soos die ander. Kleitias kon hulle verander het, maar wat hy wou gee, was die skoonheid van vinnige, onbelemmerde beweging in een rigting, in kontras met die stadige optog van die hoofsone, die knope en staccato elders.

Die onderste sone van die nek: op die agterkant, 'n sentauromachy (pl. 27, 1-3). In die vroeë kuns is dit gewoonlik Herakles wat teen die centaurs veg, en tot onlangs was dit die vroegste voorstelling van die Thessalian Lapiths in die stryd daarmee, maar 'n episode in die Thessalian centauromachy, die dood van Kaineus, verskyn op 'n sewende-eeuse bronsreliëf wat nie gevind is nie lank gelede by Olympia. [25]

Nestor, in the Iliad, mentions the Thessalian centauromachy, but only briefly, as a tremendous conflict it is also described in the Shield of Herakles , but not at length there must have been an epic, now lost, which told the story in full. Kleitias' picture is composed of seven groups (all now fragmentary) with a good deal of overlapping. On the left, Theseus and a centaur (Theseus, though not a Lapith, took part as the sworn friend of the great Lapith warrior Peirithoös). Then Antimachos and a centaur. Next, Kaineus is rammed into the earth by the centaurs Agrios, Asbolos, and Hylaios. Kaineus is one of the most picturesque figures in the legend. The maiden Kainis asked Poseidon to change her into a man, and Poseidon did so, adding the gift of invulnerability. Kaineus, as he was now called, was proof against bronze and iron but the centaurs were armed with more primitive weapons, branches and boulders, not swords and spears, so that Kaineus was no better off against them than an ordinary man, and after many valiant deeds he disappeared, rammed into the ground. Hoplon and Petraios. A Lapith, probably Peirithoös (who cannot have be en omitted), and Melanchaites a second centaur, Pyrrhos, lies on the ground. A sixth group, of which little remains. Lastly, Dryas and Oroibios, who founders and begs for quarter.

The pictures on the handles (pl. 28). They are the same on both handles, with minor variations. First, Artemis, winged, holding (on one handle) two lions, (on the other) a panther and a stag. This is the type of figure which the moderns call Potnia Theron [*] , Queen of Wild Beasts, from a title of Artemis in Homer. The goddess, nearly always winged, usually standing still, grasping a pair of wild beasts or birds—that is a favourite figure in seventh- and sixth-century Greece [26] in Attica, however, it is not common, there are only twelve examples in all, the earliest late seventh-century, [27] and later it became so unfamiliar that Pausanias could write, in his account of the Chest of Kypselos, "I do not know for what reason Artemis has wings on her shoulders, and holds a panther in one hand and a lion in the other." We must ask why the Potnia Theron [*] appears on the François vase at all. It was Artemis who sent the boar to Calydon, but that is not why she is here. We must rather think that the Potnia Theron [*] belongs to the same realm as the sphinxes, griffins, and contending animals in the third zone on the body of the vase, and the sphinxes flanking the neck in front, and is here for the same reason as they or rather, hulle belong to haar realm she is their queen.

The group of Ajax and Achilles (pl. 28, 1–2), the earliest Attic representation of the subject, is part of the Peleus-Achilles cycle, and is the concluding episode in the eventful heroic history that began with the wedding of Peleus and the divine Thetis. [28] A curious note is struck, as Payne observed, [29] by the juxtaposition of the hieratic figure of the goddess with the labouring Ajax and the rigid body of Achilles. It is not by chance that the one brings out the other, whether the artist's action was intentional, or instinctive, or on the border between.

Above the head of Artemis the handle curves rapidly round and down, and the third handle-picture, a Gorgon, is on the part of the handle that faces inwards (pl. 28, 3–4). Viewing the vase from the inside, the only decoration one sees is the pair of Gorgons, and if the vase were filled with wine they would look as if they were flying over a sea. The Gorgons of Kleitias are part of a story they are Stheno and Euryale, sisters of Medusa. The complete scene is already familiar from earlier works, and we have a fragment of a full representation of it by Kleitias himself. The sherd in the Pushkin Museum at Moscow (pl. 30, 1), [30] which may be from the neck of a columnkrater (rather than a volute-krater like the François vase), gives the right-hand corner of the picture, with Perseus flying and Athena following to protect him then Hermes must have come then the two sisters of Medusa, the dead Medusa herself, and possibly other figures.

Kleitias has left two gorgon-heads besides those of Stheno and Euryale. One, damaged, is the device on Hector's shield in the Troilos scene on the François vase (pl. 25, 3) the other, which ranks among the finest of archaic gorgoneia, is the chief ornament (pl. 30, 3–4) of a tiny stand-like object of uncertain use in New York which bears, like the François vase, the double signature of Ergotimos and Kleitias. [31]

Lastly, on the foot of the vase, small, Pygmies and Cranes (pl. 29, 1–4). The war between cranes and pygmies is mentioned in the Iliad, [32] but the picture on the François

vase is the earliest representation of it as well as the finest and most elaborate. The pygmies are midgets—small but not deformed, perfectly made and so they are in nearly all the early pictures of them. [33] Part of Kleitias' picture is missing, but the general composition is clear. In the middle, three groups of pygmies, using clubs and crook-handled sticks—"hockey-sticks." In the middle group of the three a pygmy has hooked a crane round the neck with his hockey-stick and is clubbing it (pl. 29, 3) his companion, hat on, lies dead on the ground. In the left-hand group another pygmy has hooked a flying crane his companion grasps the neck with his left hand and with his right hand raises his club to strike (pl. 29, 2). In the right-hand group two pygmies have hooked a flying crane one kneels, pulling it down (pl. 29, 3). These three groups are flanked by a pair of cavalry scenes. The pygmies are mounted on splendid goats, and use slings. We hear of pygmy cavalry, long after, in Pliny, and even of its strategic use: [34] "it is reported," he writes, "that when spring comes, the pygmies, mounted on rams or goats, and armed with bows and arrows, go down to the sea in force, and in a three months' campaign destroy the eggs and young of the cranes otherwise they would be unable to cope with the numbers. They bring home feathers and eggshells and use them, mixed with mud, to build their houses."

In the left-hand cavalry group one pygmy has fallen, and a crane pecks at his eyes (pl. 29, 1).

Beyond the cavalry there is more infantry here a crane is down, and a pygmy despatches it with a knobkerrie.

One source of the fable of the pygmies battling with the cranes was, of course, the reports of travellers about dwarfish races living at the ends of the earth, but another was, nearer home, the yearly struggle of the Greek farmer with the birds. The crane was one of his chief enemies, and there are many references in Greek literature to its destructiveness. Remember Aesop's fable of the farmer who caught a stork and was about to kill it. "But I am a stork," it protested, "not a crane." "I can't help that," says the farmer "I found you among the cranes." [35] The weapons of the pygmies in Kleitias, and their tactics, are taken from real life in Greece they are those used by the farmer—and the farmer's children—to protect the crops from birds, including cranes.

The Battle with the Cranes on the François vase has always been popular, and a great archaeologist has claimed that "in invention as well as drawing it gave the painter more opportunity to display his powers than the solemn procession of deities in the chief frieze." [36] Without wishing to underrate the qualities of the Battle with the Cranes, we must say, I think, that the high style of the chief frieze, and the varied, vivid narrative of the others, are even more excellent achievements. [37]


How were ancient Greek pots made?

This entry was posted on July 23, 2015 by Josho Brouwers .

Since 2006, I’ve taught a lot of courses on a variety of subjects at different institutions geared at adult education. I usually try to organize a tour in an archaeological museum as part of these courses, especially when they are on Classical art and architecture. When you visit the Greek department of virtually any archaeological museum, you’ll spend a considerable amount of time looking at Greek vases.

I always get a lot of questions about those pots. How did the ancient Greeks make them? What’s the decoration made of? Did they use some kind of paint for those figures? How did they get those black surfaces so dark and shiny? Who made those pots? What were they used for? Who bought them? En so aan. All important questions that most museums usually only touch upon (if you’re lucky), since Greek painted vases are primarily seen as art rather than objects of everyday use.

There’s a lot to write about when it comes to ancient pots, including the important difference between the nicely decorated tableware and the coarser cooking wares (which are often not displayed in museums!), and how painted pottery was regarded in ancient times. Those are all issues for future blog posts, starting next week. For now, though, I want to focus more particularly on the first of the questions raised above, namely how the ancient Greeks actually made their pots.

From the Neolithic onwards, the Greeks made pots in different styles. For this blog post, I will focus on what are perhaps the most characteristic styles of Greek pottery, namely black figure and red figure. If you need a refresher, here’s an example of an Attic black-figure vase, a famous amphora made by Exekias and depicting Ajax and Achilles playing a game (source):

In black-figure, the figures are painted using a clay slip that becomes black through firing, with details added through incision. Red-figure is the reverse: the backgrounds are filled in, but the figures left blank, with details added using fine brushes. Red-figure technique developed ca. 525 BC and eventually displaced the older black-figure technique.

These pots served a function similar to fine china: they were used during meals and feasts. The general assumption is that pots like these were the crockery of the rich, but there is some debate on this indeed, the upper echelons of society probably used metal vessels, and it has been suggested that black- and red-figure pottery was modelled largely after vessels made from silver. Indeed, the polished, all-black pottery that came in vogue in Athens in the Classical period was almost certainly intended to emulate silver vessels.

The clay (keramos) used for such pots was of a very high quality, relatively fine and pure. The potter threw the clay on the potter’s wheel, where the basic shape would be formed, with thin walls. The Greek potters’ wheel was low to the ground and spun round by an assistant. In comparison, cooking pots and large but simple storage vessels were often shaped by hand (not using the wheel, though there was a great amount of variety), were made from coarse clay, and had thick walls. When the basic shape was modelled, handles and other elements were added. The pot could be polished using a damp cloth to smoothen the surface.

The kind of clay that the Greeks used was secondary clay, i.e. clay that has been transported from its original source by rivers and rain, and deposited. As it is transported, the clay accretes other materials, most notably iron. It is the iron content in the clay that gives Greek pottery its colour. Attic clay contains quite a lot of iron, which explains its rich red colour. Corinthian clay, for example, was more cream-coloured.

In order to ‘paint’ the vase, the Greeks used a very fine clay slip made from the same clay as the pot itself. Ferric oxide is red in colour, but when fired in an environment with little oxygen (i.e. a reducing environment) it turns into ferrous oxide and magnetite, which are black in colour. Attic pottery was fired in three stages: an oxidising phase (during which clay and slip turned red), a reducing phase (that would have turned the clay slip black and hardened it), and finally another oxidising phase to finish the procedure.

The temperature in the kiln never exceeded 950 degree Celsius, which explains the relative ‘softness’ of Greek pottery compared to modern china. Still, this fine tableware was usually fired at a much higher temperature than – generally speaking – everyday cooking wares and the like. You can even hear the difference: if you drop a shard of an Attic red-figure vase on the table, it will ring, whereas a shard from a normal, coarse cooking pot tends to sound dull when you drop it on a hard surface (as a more or less general rule again, there is plenty of variation, and cooking wares were sometimes fired at high temperatures, too!).

The process is simple on the surface, yet requires a great deal of knowledge and experience to pull off successfully. The Antiquities Museum in Leiden, for example, had a couple of Attic red-figure vases on display that were misfires: parts of the pots had turned a uniform, dull grey instead of the stark red/black contrast.

Redigeer: my thanks to Prof. Vladimir Stissi of the University of Amsterdam, who pointed out a few things that needed to be clarified/nuanced a bit.

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Step by step scratch-off

Our scratch-art project didn’t involve clay, but there were multiple steps that the students needed to follow to get to the finished product. As you can see, the end result of a scratch-off project looks something like black-figure or red-figure glazing processes – techniques used in successive periods in Ancient Greece as artists refined their processes for decorating the urns.

I had drawn a number of different vase shapes, which I projected onto the wall and had the students draw their favorite (or their version of it) with a black marker on a piece of 9”x12” piece of card stock. The students drew in the horizon line, and then colored inside the lines of the urns with several different colors of orange that I gave them. They colored the background with contrasting colors like blue and green.

They had to press super-hard with the crayons to get a smooth, thick layer of color, or the next step wouldn’t work. This took several days of class time! (If they finished coloring before the end of the class, they could continue to work on their drawing of the god or goddess for their vase there was a good amount of sketching time to be prepared for next steps.)

After they were done coloring the first layer, the students painted over the whole page with a mixture of black tempera paint mixed with a few drops of dish soap – I learned about this trick on an art teacher’s online group. (The dish soap makes it easier to scratch off the paint.) This step can be kind of alarming to students – covering up all that color with black paint – but the reveal is worth it.

When the paint dried, we started scratching in the background, the area outside of the outline of the vase. Wooden scratching sticks with a pointed tip work well, of course, to reveal the color underneath the paint. But I couldn’t find these, so we used whatever we could find – you could use toothpicks, a fork, a pencil, anything that is sharp enough to make a mark but won’t tear the paper. (If you use a pencil, be aware that it can show up on the background, so using a colored pencil is a good option.)

On the first day of scratching through the black paint, the students worked on the background: the sky and the ground beneath the amphora. One of my brilliant students realized that you could hold the paper up to a light to see where the vase was located. Then I had them scratch off the border around the amphora, as well as the handles and the lid.

The project looked really good at this point – the colors were really shining through.

Once they knew where the edges were, I had the students draw a square or rectangle on the widest part of the vase. In this space, they reproduced the illustration they had made previously of their god or goddess story.

This step can be a challenge. One of my students was nervous about being able to transfer her sketch, so I helped her with a technique that I will incorporate into the project the next time I do it. I will have the students make their preliminary sketch the same size as it will be on the finished urn they scratch. Then they will use a pencil to cover the back side of the sketch. Then they can place their drawing on to the square or rectangle on their scratch-art page and retrace the lines. The graphite will show up on the black tempera – a shiny guideline to scratch through to transfer their illustration. Dit het regtig goed gewerk.

After they transferred their illustrations on to the scratch art vase, the students finished the space above and below. They decorated the foot and the neck of the urn with patterns and shapes.

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Attic Black-Figure Amphora (type B) - 1984.02

Attic Black-Figure Amphora (type B): The Johnson Vase.

Side A: two warriors in combat, a slain warrior between their feet and male attendant figures to either side.

Side B: Herakles attempting to stab the Nemean lion

With graffito on underside.

This represents Herakles' first labour, from which he acquired his characteristic lion skin. Painted amphorae such as this were used especially as wine containers and decanters.

Titel: Attic Black-Figure Amphora (type B) - 1984.02

Attribution: Group E.

Culture or period: Archaic Greece.

Datum: 530 - 520 BC.

Materiaal: Clay - Terracotta

Object type: Pottery - Black-figure

Acquisition number: 1984.02

Afmetings: 279mm (w) x 402mm (h)

Origin region or location: Griekeland

Display case or on loan: 3

Sleutelwoorde: Greek, Attic, Black Figure, Group E, Herakles, Nemean Lion, Athens

Sotheby (London), Sale Cat., 9 July 1984, no. 314 (colour ill.) Collection of Classics 8 (wrongly captioned) A.W. Johnston, Trademarks on Greek Vases. Byvoegings (Oxford 2006) 60, type 25A no. 8a. Beazley Archive Pottery Database 8244.

Attic Black-Figure Amphora (type B)

Purchased to commemorate Richard StC. Johnson’s term as Professor of Classics, 1962-1984. Ht 40.2cm diam. 27.9cm.

Broken into a small number of fragments and rejoined without significant restoration or repainting except for a triangular area on side A which includes part of Herakles’ chest, his lower right arm and the nose of the lion.

The shape is an amphora of type B of standard form: the handles are of circular section the foot has a curved outer face, flat resting surface, and a concave inner face, offset from the underside of the floor.

A: Two warriors in combat over a fallen warrior, with a cloaked, beardless male onlooker to either side. The combatants wear full armour, with crested Corinthian helmets. The fallen warrior lies prone with his shield lying over him, but although he has helmet and greaves as well as his shield, he does not have a cuirass. Incision is used to indicate the beards of both warriors below the cheek-pieces of their helmets, and the beard of the fallen warrior. Below the scene, a groundline in dilute glaze.

Added red is used for the hair of the two onlookers for broad stripes on their cloaks for the helmets of both warriors and for the crest of the one on the left to decorate the breast and bottom of the latter’s cuirass and for stripes on the skirt of his chitoniskos on the right warrior for the skirt of his chitoniskos, on his greaves, and for the rim of his shield on the fallen warrior’s helmet and on the body of his shield. Added white is used for the front edge of the cloak of both onlookers to outline the crest-supports of the warriors’ helmets for dots on the edge of the right warrior’s chitoniskos and the front edge of that on the left for dots decorating the rim of the fallen warrior’s shield for the left warrior’s bandolier for the shield device (tripod) of the right warrior.

B: Herakles fighting the Nemean lion between two onlookers, the one on the left a female, the one on the right a bearded male. The hero uses his sword to stab the lion in the throat. His scabbard is visible between his body and the lion’s tail. The figure on the right carries Herakles’ club. The woman on the left wears a peplos and has a fillet about her head. Below the scene, a groundline in dilute glaze.

Added red is used for the pupil of the woman’s eye, for her fillet, for the upper part of her peplos and stripes on the skirt for Herakles’ hair and beard for the lion’s mane for the hair and beard of the male on the right. Added white is used for the woman’s flesh and for dots decorating the edge of the overfall of her peplos for Herakles’ baldrick.

There is a palmette and lotus chain between dilute glaze lines above each of the scenes there are red dots on the hearts of some of the palmettes in the centre above the combat scene but not above the Herakles scene. There is a band of black within the lip (the upper face of the lip is reserved). There is no wash inside. At the base of the wall, a zone of rays with lines of dilute glaze above and below. The resting surface of the foot and the whole of the underside are reserved. There is no wash inside the vase. There is a band of red at the upper edge of the lip (now rather worn), three red bands around the neck, a double red band below scenes and again above the rays three further bands on the foot. There is an accidental blob of red on the foot.

See images for graffito on underside: see Johnston, Trademarks on Greek Vases (Warminster 1979) 84 type 25A and 191. The graffiti of this series are predominantly from Group E and doubtless indicate some on-going trading arrangement from this workshop. Johnston, Byvoegings (see below) suggests correctly that the mark on ours was made before firing this would imply that the vase was part of an order placed in advance by a dealer or trader.

About 530-520 BC. The vase is attributable to the so-called Group E, the cluster of vase-painters in the stylistic circle of Exekias, to whose work they at times come very close. On Group E, see the lists in J.D. Beazley, Attic Black-Figure Vase-Painters (Oxford 1956) 133-138, Paralipomena: Additions to Attic Black-Figure Vase-Painters and to Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters (Oxford 1971) 54-57, and T.H. Carpenter et al., Beazley Addenda: Additional References to ABV, ARV 2 & Paralipomena (2nd ed., Oxford 1989) 35-39, and, more generally, E.E. Bell, “An Exekian Puzzle in Portland. Further Light on the Relationship between Exekias and Group E”, in: W.G. Moon (ed.), Ancient Greek Art and Iconography (Madison 1983) 75-86. This article is largely concerned with Herakles and the Lion in Group E. Also note E.A. Mackay, “Painters near Exekias”, in: J. Christiansen and T. Melander (eds), Ancient Greek and Related Pottery, Proceedings of the 3rd Symposium, Copenhagen August 31-September 4 1987 (Copenhagen 1988) 369-378, and for the larger picture the same author’s Tradition and Originality: A Study of Exekias (BAR international series 2092, Oxford 2010). Important too is a catalogue accompanying a recent exhibition in Zurich: Chr. Reusser and M. Bürge (eds), Exekias hat mich gemalt und getöpfert (2018). It includes some pieces from Group E as well as giving an up-to-date catalogue raisonné of Exekias’ work.

The absence of a cuirass on the fallen warrior on Side A is in some apparent contradiction with the presence of the rest of his armour. The painter was presumably drawing on a tradition in which the battle was over the armour as well as over the body. (One remembers, for example, that in the Ilias Hector stripped the body of Patroklos of the armour that Achilles had lent him.) For scenes of this kind, see S. Muth, Gewalt im Bild, Das Phänomen der medialen Gewalt im Athen des 6. und 5. Jh. v.Chr. (Berlin 2006), and H. van Wees, Status Warriors. War, Violence and Society in Homer and History (Amsterdam 1992). M. Recke, Gewalt und Leid. Das Bild des Krieges bei den Athenern im 6. und 5. Jh. v.Chr. (Istanbul 2002) 11-20 provides a formal analysis of such scenes on a chronological basis. Important also is D. Saunders, "Mourning Glory? The Depiction of Fallen Warriors in Black-Figure Vase-Painting", in: E. Macauley-Lewis, L. Hau, and E. Bragg (eds), Beyond the Battlefields of the Graeco-Roman World (Newcastle 2008) 161-183. He stresses that the images express élite ideals, presenting death on the battlefield in a positive fashion. For a similar approach, see among others N. Loraux, “Mourir devant Troie, tomber pour Athènes. De la gloire des héros à l'idée de la cité”, Information sur les Sciences Sociales/Social Science Information 17:6, 1978, 801-817.

The addition of the red dots to some of the palmettes over the scene on B may indicate that the painter thought of that scene as the main one. The subject of Herakles and the Lion is much repeated on the amphorae of Group E, with many variants in detail. Compare the amphora in Kassel where there is the same subject (though with some differences in the onlookers) and a more clearly similar warrior scene (R. Lullies, “Eine Amphora aus dem Kreis des Exekias”, Antike Kunst 7, 1964, 82-90 [Beazley, Paralipomena 56, 31 bis]). Somewhat nearer our scene is Toronto 919.5.176, Beazley, Attic Black-Figure Vase-Painters 134, 11, Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum (1) pl. 2.

Herakles quickly discovered that the lion’s skin was impenetrable by normal weapons and our painter was probably attempting to show Herakles’ initial, unsuccessful encounter with the creature. An amphora in the Villa Giulia Museum in Rome has a bent sword below the figures of the hero and the lion as he struggles to strangle it, and one could take it as depicting the stage following that shown on ours (Villa Giulia 50406, Mingazzini, Coll. Castellani i, pl. 65, 1 K. Schefold, Gods and Heroes in Late Archaic Greek Art [Cambridge 1992] 100 fig. 114 Beazley, Attic Black-Figure Vase-Painters 291). In the end, of course, he strangled it and then cleverly used its own claws to take its skin for himself.

Herakles’ encounter with the lion of Nemea was canonically the hero’s first labour. For other scenes involving Herakles in the Museum’s collection, see under the black-figure lekythos 1962.02. There is a very useful overview of scenes of Herakles in combat with the lion in Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae, v (1990) 16-34 (W. Felten) note more recently A.A. Lemos, “Herakles and the Nemean Lion on Rhodes. Two Athenian Black Figure Olpai from Ilyos and Camiros”, Archaiognosia 14, 2006, 151-166. There is also a collection of articles on his combats with animals in C. Bonnet, C. Jourdain-Annequin and V. Pirenne-Delforge (eds), Le Bestiaire d'Héraclès. IIIe Rencontre héracléenne (Kernos Suppl. 7, Liège 1998) and in particular A. Schnapp-Gourbeillon, “Les lions d’Héraclès” at pp. 109-126. There is a well-judged overview of scenes of Herakles and his labours by Schefold in the book mentioned in the previous paragraph. Note also R. Vollkommer, Herakles in the Art of Classical Greece (Oxford 1988) and the splendid and well-illustrated coverage in R. Wünsche (ed.), Herakles Herkules (Munich 2003): the encounter with the lion is dealt with at pp. 68-90.

One takes the man on the right to be Herakles’ normal companion, Iolaos: he is normally shown as young and unbearded, but it is not without parallel at this period for him to be given a beard. The woman is in the position where one might normally expect Athena, but she does not have the attributes of the goddess. ‘Iolaos’ raises his hand in a gesture which can be read as surprise, alarm (at the lion’s failure to die by the sword) or amazement.


Attic Black-figure Amphora - History

STYLES AND TECHNIQUES:
-Protogeometric 1000-900 B.C.: pots were decorated with black bands, wavy lines and simple geometric designs, principally concentric circles and half-circles drawn with a compass and multiple brush careful attention was given to the relationship between the decoration and the shape of the pot.
SAMPLE IMAGES:

1. PROTOGEOMETRIC AMPHORA 2. DETAIL OF CONCENTRIC CIRCLES
-Geometric 900-700 B.C.: an increasing variety of rectilinear ornaments (meander, “battlements”, triangles, hatching etc.) cover a larger portion of the pot simple figures of animals and human beings - reduced to geometric forms - appear on later examples monumental kraters and amphoras were used as grave markers and decorated with schematic references to funeral ceremonies.
SAMPLE IMAGES
:

1. EARLY GEOMETRIC AMPHORA , 2. GEOMETRIC AMPHORA , 3. FUNERAL SCENE, 4. GEOMETRIC OINOCHOE , 5. GEOMETRIC OINOCHOE
-Orientalizing 700-600 B.C.: the style derives its name from the evidence it provides of Greek contacts with the older civilizations of the Near East well-represented in Corinth, it is characterized by the use of decorative animal and floral forms this period brought early experiments with the incised black-figure technique and with polychrome (multi-colored) decoration in different Greek centers, there were experiments with narrative representations of myths and legends.
SAMPLE IMAGES:


1. CORINTHIAN PYXIS with lions and siren, c. 600 B.C. 2. CORINTHIAN ARYBALLOS , c. 600-575 B.C. 3. CORINTHIAN ALABASTRON with griffin, c. 590-570 B.C. (Tampa Museum of Art!)

BLACK-FIGURE TECHNIQUE AND RED-FIGURE TECHNIQUE:
Black-figure technique was likely developed around 700 B.C. in Corinth, and it may have been inspired by carved ivories and engraved metals imported from the Near East. As the name implies, figures appeared, after the firing of the pot, as black silhouettes against the background of the light red or yellowish clay of the pot. Within the black figures, incised lines revealed the red clay beneath, allowing the artist to trace the inner details of the figure. Other colors - purple, white and yellow - were sometimes added for highlighting. This technique was adopted in other Greek cities, and, by the sixth century B.C., the Athenians surpassed the Corinthians in the production of black-figure pottery. Athenian ware was characterized by its shiny gloss and the brighter orange color of the clay. In the decoration of the pots, Athenian painters placed greater emphasis on human figures and narrative scenes.


TYPES OF GREEK POTTERY: SHAPES AND USES
For an excellent survey of the different shapes of Greek pottery, check out this frame from the Beazley archive :
The images of the different shapes link to additional illustrations and more complete explanations. The following are some of the most important types:
amphora: a tall, storage jar for oil, wine, olives, dry goods or grain
hydria : large, three-handled jar for carrying water: one handle was used for pouring, two handles for lifting
krater : a large bowl for the mixing of wine and water at the symposium or banquet
kylix: a shallow, circular, two-handled drinking cup - resembling a plate - on a narrow stem
oinochoe: a small pitcher used for pouring wine into the cups

EXAMPLES OF GREEK POTTERY PAINTING

-Dipylon amphora (Athens), grave-marker for a woman, geometric style, mid-8th century B.C. Dipylon krater (Athens), grave-marker for a man, geometric style, mid-8th century B.C.
-Chigi vase, Protocorinthian oinochoe, c. 640 B.C., hoplite warriors, POLYCHROME (many-colored) decoration, possible influence of wall-painting
-fragment of a krater from Argos, mid-7th century B.C., blinding of the CYCLOPS by Odysseus and his men (image no. 1) :
-Protoattic amphora from Eleusis, grave-marker, mid 7th century B.C., blinding of the Cyclops (image no. 2)


1. Argos krater 2. Eleusis amphora 3. Trojan horse
-amphora from Mykonos decorated in relief, mid-7th century B.C., the Trojan horse (image no. 3)
-Orientalizing pottery, examples from Rhodes and Corinth, late 7th century B.C., stags, sphinxes and other animals:

-Francois vase, Attic black-figure krater by Ergotinos (potter) and Kleitias (painter), c. 570 B.C., mythological scenes include stories of Theseus, the Calydonian boar-hunt (the story told by Phoinix in book 9 of the Iliad) and the wedding of Peleus and Thetis, the parents of Achilleus.
-Attic black-figure pottery: examples by the painter, EXEKIAS, include the dice-game of Aias and Achilleus, Aias carrying Achilleus' corpse (image no. 1) from the battlefield, and DIONYSUS on the boat, c. 530 B.C.
-Attic red-figure krater painted by EUPHRONIOS, c. 515 B.C., death of Sarpedon
-Attic red-figure amphora painted by EUTHYMIDES, signed "As never Euphronios", c. 510 B.C., drunken revellers (FOR A DRAWING OF THIS SCENE: CLICK HERE )
-Attic red-figure hydria by the Kleophrades painter, c. 490 B.C., sack of Troy
-Attic red-figure krater by the Pan painter, c. 470 B.C., Artemis slaying Actaeon (image no. 2)
-Attic red-figure krater by the Niobid painter, c. 440 B.C., Herakles (image no. 3) in the underworld, the slaughter of Niobe's children (image no. 4)
-Attic pottery of the fifth century on white ground with polychrome decoration

OTHER TERMS: conceptual representation ( EXAMPLE ), simultaneous narration ( EXAMPLE )

COPYRIGHT NOTICE: SMALL, LOW-RESOLUTION THUMBNAILS HAVE BEEN USED ON THIS PAGE SIMPLY TO FACILITATE LINKS TO COPYRIGHTED IMAGES PUBLISHED ON THE WEBSITES OF THE PERSEUS PROJECT (TUFTS UNIVERSITY) AND THE GREEK MINISTRY OF CULTURE. IF THE COPYRIGHT HOLDERS BELIEVE THIS TO INFRINGE THEIR COPYRIGHT, THEY WILL BE REMOVED.

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FOOD FOR THOUGHT? Early forms of writing in the ancient Near East (cuneiform and Egyptian hieroglyphics) were based upon pictures. Do we still use "picture-writing"? Think about the use of pictures as a form of short-hand writing in advertising and public signs, on the internet, or in text messages. Discuss and compare two or three examples of pictographs or visual symbols in today's world. How do they get and convey their meaning? Do they form part of larger systems of symbols or "picture languages"?
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FOOD FOR THOUGHT
Homer describes the scenes on the shield of Achilleus in great detail, and his verbal description provides many details that might not be easily represented or understood in a picture. He reminds us that he is describing an object by mentioning the metals of the shield, but he rarely refers to the location of the scenes on the shield. Can you make a diagram of the layout of the scenes on Achilleus' shield? How would your arrangement help a viewer to understand and interpret the scenes on the shield?
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Harvard Art Museums / Fogg Museum | Bush-Reisinger Museum | Arthur M. Sackler Museum

View this object's location on our interactive map Physical Descriptions Medium Terracotta Technique Black-figure Dimensions 41.3 cm h x 31.5 cm diam (16 1/4 x 12 3/8 in.) Provenance David M. Robinson, Baltimore, MD, (by 1958), bequest to Fogg Art Museum, 1960. State, Edition, Standard Reference Number Standard Reference Number Beazley Archive Database #310424 Acquisition and Rights Credit Line Harvard Art Museums/Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Bequest of David M. Robinson Accession Year 1960 Object Number 1960.312 Division Asian and Mediterranean Art Contact [email protected] The Harvard Art Museums encourage the use of images found on this website for personal, noncommercial use, including educational and scholarly purposes. To request a higher resolution file of this image, please submit an online request. Descriptions Description Group E amphora.

On side A, Herakles wrestles with the Nemean lion between Iolaus and Athena. Herakles stands in the center facing right and strangles the lion, clinching his neck. On the left is Iolaus (Herakles' companion) who moves to the left and looks back over his shoulder. On the right stands Athena, wearing her customary peplos and helmet, and bearing a shield.

On side B, Theseus battles the Minotaur between two maidens. Theseus, the Athenian hero, stands in the center facing right wearing a short garment and ani mal skin. With his left hand he grasps the Minotaur (half man, half bull), stabbing the monster with a short sword. The hero is flanked on either side by two maidens, both wearing floor-length, decorated peploi.

On the shoulder, a cockfight. The neck is decorated with a palmette-lotus chain and tendrils, palmettes, and lotuses appear beneath the handles. Added red and white provide detail including the mens' hair and the womens' skin, respectively.

Both of these scenes were popular during the mid-late sixth century BCE Publication History

J. D. Beazley, Attic Black-figure Vases, The Clarendon Press (Oxford, England, 1956), p. 148

David M. Robinson, Unpublished Greek Vases in the Robinson Collection, American Journal of Archaeology (1956), 60.1, 1-25, p. 7-9, no. 8, pl. 5

Diana M. Buitron, Attic Vase Painting in New England Collections, exh. cat., Fogg Art Museum (Cambridge, MA, 1972), p.30, no.11

Thomas Carpenter, Thomas Mannack, and Melanie Mendonca, ed., Beazley addenda : additional references to ABV, ARV² & Paralipomena, Oxford University Press (UK) (Oxford, 1989), p. 62

Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae (LIMC), Artemis (Zürich, Switzerland, 1999), Vol. 5, Herakles 1807.

The David Moore Robinson Bequest of Classical Art and Antiquities: A Special Exhibition, Fogg Art Museum, 05/01/1961 - 09/20/1961

Attic Vase Painting in New England Collections, Fogg Art Museum, Cambridge, 03/01/1972 - 04/05/1972

Re-View: S422 Ancient & Byzantine Art & Numismatics, Harvard Art Museums/Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Cambridge, 04/12/2008 - 06/18/2011

32Q: 3400 Greek, Harvard Art Museums, Cambridge, 11/16/2014 - 01/01/2050

This record has been reviewed by the curatorial staff but may be incomplete. Our records are frequently revised and enhanced. For more information please contact the Division of Asian and Mediterranean Art at [email protected]

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Attic Black-figure Amphora - History

The Orientalizing style in ATHENS is called Protoattic. In Attica, the 7th century was a period of experimentation in painting as the Geometric style was replaced. Various technical experiments were undertaken, including a mixing of outline technique en black figure Technique on the same vase.

Protoattic Amphora
the "Analatos" amphora
c. 700-675 BCE
Height: 2 feet 7 1/2 inches
(Musée du Louvre, Paris)

Die Analatos Painter was one of the main proponents of the shift from the Geometric aesthetic to that of the Orientalizing Period. Within a rigorous framework, his use of line drawing brings the human figures to life. This long-necked amphora (also called a loutrophoros) is decorated in superposed registers in which appear sphinxes, dancers, and chariots drawn in silhouette or in line, with various curvilinear and vegetal motifs between.


Protoattic Amphora
the "Eleusis" amphora
c. 650 vC
Height: 4 feet 9 inches
(Archaeological Museum, Eleusis)

This large Dipylon-like vase has figure decoration on one side (the reverse side is decorated with a design of intertwined plants). Op die liggaam, in a panel over 20" inches high, is told the story of Perseus. Medusa is shown headless under one of the handles while her sister Gorgons advance to the right, to be stopped by Athena as Perseus flees with Medusa's head (the last two figures are badly preserved). The Gorgons, their outlines partially filled with white, are not the standard Gorgon type known from elsewhere. On the shoulder, is a scene of animal combat, with the head of a lion in outline and its body in black figure, attacking a boar. Op die neck, in a panel about 15" high, is depicted the Blinding of Polyphemos. Odysseus alone is painted in the same technique as the Gorgons below (singles him out as the hero). The other figures, Odysseus's companions, are described in a combination of silhouette and outline, with a few details (toes, fingers, beard) incised. Together the human figures are shown driving the stake into the single eye of the cyclops, Polyphemos. Odysseus's right leg is fully extended, his left knee is braced against Polyphemos's knee, and he throws all his weight behind the thrust. Polyphemus appears to howl in agony as he vainly attempts to pull out the stake with one hand, his other hand still holding the wine cup. The painting catches all the violence and dynamic of the Homer's account.

Late Protoattic / Early black-figure Amphora
the "Nessos" amphora
c. 625-600 BCE
Height: 4 feet
(Nasionale Argeologiese Museum, Athene)


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