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Slag van Saturnia, 83 v.C.


Slag van Saturnia, 82 v.C.

Die slag van Saturnia (82 v.C.) was 'n geringe oorwinning vir Sulla se magte oor 'n losstaande deel van Carbo se leër tydens 'n veldtog in die gebied rondom Clusium (Sulla se Tweede Burgeroorlog).

Aan die begin van 82 v.C. het die twee konsuls vir die jaar uitmekaar gegaan, met Gnaeus Papirius Carbo noordwaarts op pad om met Metellus Pius en Marius die jongere suid te gaan om Sulla te blokkeer. Marius het 'n nederlaag op Sacriportus gely en is in Praeneste beleër. Dit het Carbo genoop om sy veldtog in die noorde te laat vaar en terug te keer na Rome, maar Sulla kon die stad voor hom bereik. Die veldtog verskuif daarna na die omgewing van Clusium, ongeveer 80 kilometer noord van Rome. Carbo se hoofleër was by Clusium, aan die rivier die Glanis. Sy luitenant Carinnas het 'n ander mag 40 myl na die ooste by Spoletium gehad. Uiteindelik was daar 'n groep troepe by die kuurdorp Saturnia, 35 myl suid-wes van Clusium.

Appian rapporteer vinnig drie veldslae. Eers het Sulla 'n afdeling kavallerie aan die rivier die Glanis verslaan. Vervolgens het 'Sulla 'n ander eenheid van sy vyande naby Saturnia oorwin'. Uiteindelik voer hy 'n dag lange stryd met Carbo by Clusium, maar dit eindig onomwonde.

Dit sou 'n redelik ongewone roete gewees het vir Sulla - noord van Rome na die Glanis, dan wes/ suidwes oor moeilike terrein, en uiteindelik noordwes oor soortgelyke terrein as Clusium. 'N Meer waarskynlike voorstel is dat Sulla self na Clusium op die Tiber en Glanis, of die Via Cassia, gevorder het, terwyl 'n tweede mag op die Via Clodia gestuur is, wat van Rome na Saturnia gelei het.


'N Groot deel van die oorlog is in Noord -Italië gevoer. Die Lucaniërs, die Samniete en die Galliërs het saam met die Mariane geveg. Na afloop van die Galliërs by die magte van Sulla en die nederlaag van sommige van sy magte deur Metellus (een van Sulla se luitenante) naby Placentia (Piacenza), het Carbo, die leier van die Mariane, na Afrika gevlug. Sy luitenante, Gaius Carrinas, Gaius Marcius Censorinus en Damasippus het probeer om hul weg te dwing deur 'n pas wat deur Sulla se manne beheer is met al hulle magte en met die Samniete. Dit het misluk en hulle het opgetrek na Rome.

Toe Sulla agterkom dat die Samniete op Rome beweeg, stuur hy sy kavallerie om hulle te verhinder terwyl hy self sy leër na die hoofstad dwing. Die Samnitiese leër het eers met dagbreek aangekom en baie onrus in die stad veroorsaak. Na die eerste skok het die Romeine 'n ruitermag gestuur om die aanvallers te vertraag. Ongelukkig vir die Romeine het die strydgeharde Samniete maklik die kavallerie-aanval gestuur, en baie van hulle is dood. Die vertraging het egter daartoe gelei dat 'n kavallerie -afdeling wat deur Sulla gestuur is, asem kon haal, organiseer en die vyand begin teister. Die aankoms van Sulla se kavallerie bewys aan die Romeine en Samniete dat Sulla op pad was. Telesinus besluit om te wag vir Sulla se aankoms en ontplooi sy leër effens weg van die Colline -hek. Die hoofleër van Sulla het die middag aangekom en kamp opgeslaan naby die tempel van Venus Erucina, buite die mure van Rome, nie ver van die Colline -poort nie. [1]


Kursus

Met Mithridates verslaan en Cinna nou dood in 'n muitery, was Sulla vasbeslote om weer beheer oor Rome te kry. In 83 vC beland hy onbetwis by Brundisium saam met drie veteraanlegioene. Sodra hy sy voete in Italië gesit het, het die verbode edeles en ou Sullan -ondersteuners wat die Marian -regime oorleef het, na sy vaandel gestroom. Die mees prominente was Quintus Caecilius Metellus Pius, wat legioene in Afrika bymekaargemaak het en saam met Marcus Licinius Crassus wat troepe in Spanje ingesamel het, by Sulla aangesluit het kort na sy landing in Italië. Die konsulêre Lucius Marcius Philippus het ook by Sulla aangesluit en 'n mag gelei wat Sardinië vir die Sullan -saak verseker het. Dit is ook hier waar die jong Gnaeus Pompeius die eerste keer in die kollig kom, die seun van Pompeius Strabo, hy het drie legioene in Picenum grootgemaak en, terwyl hy die Mariese magte verslaan en bestuur het, na Sulla gegaan. Met hierdie versterkings het Sulla se leër tot ongeveer 50 000 man opgeswel, en met sy lojale legioene het hy sy tweede opmars na Rome begin.

Om die onwankelbare vordering van sy vyande te kontroleer, stuur Carbo sy nuutverkose marionetkonsuls, Gaius Norbanus en Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus, albei met leërs teen Sulla. Sulla was gretig om nie 'n oorlogshonger indringer te wees nie en het afgevaardigdes na Norbanus gestuur om te onderhandel, maar dit is verwerp. Norbanus verhuis daarna om Sulla se opmars by Canusium te blokkeer en word die eerste wat hom by die Slag van Tifata -berg betrek het. Hier het Sulla die Mariane 'n verpletterende nederlaag toegedien, en Norbanus het sesduisend van sy manne verloor teen die sewentig van Sulla. Die geslaan Norbanus het met die oorblyfsels van sy leër na Capua teruggetrek en Sulla is in sy agtervolging deur die tweede konsul, Scipio, gekeer. Maar die manne van Scipio was nie bereid om te baklei nie, en toe Sulla nader, het hulle massaal na hom gegaan en sy geledere verder geswel. Die konsul en sy seun is in hul tente gekrom en na Sulla gebring, wat hulle vrygelaat het nadat hulle 'n belofte gemaak het dat hulle nooit weer teen hom sal veg of by Carbo sal aansluit nie. Onmiddellik na hul vrylating het Scipio egter sy belofte verbreek en is hy reguit na Carbo in Rome. Sulla verslaan Norbanus daarna vir 'n tweede keer, wat ook na Rome ontsnap het en Metellus Pius en alle ander senatore met Sulla laat marsjeer het tot vyande van die staat.

Die nuwe konsuls vir die jaar 82BC was Carbo, vir sy derde termyn, en Gaius Marius die Jongere, wat toe slegs twee-en-twintig jaar oud was. In weerwil van die veldtog wat Winter aangebied het, het die Mariane hul magte aangevul. Quintus Sertorius het mans in Etruria gehef, ou veterane van Marius het uit pensioen gekom om onder sy seun te veg en die Samniete het hul krygers bymekaargemaak ter ondersteuning van Carbo, in die hoop om die man wat hulle in die Sosiale Oorlog, Sulla, verslaan het, te vernietig.

Toe die nuwe veldtogseisoen begin, het Sulla langs die Via Latina na die hoofstad gevee en Metellus het Sullan -magte na Bo -Italië gelei. Carbo werp hom teen Metellus terwyl die jong Marius die stad Rome self verdedig. Marius verhuis om die opmars van Sulla by Signia te blokkeer en val terug na die vestingstad Praeneste, waarvoor hy vir die geveg voorberei het. Die stryd was lank en hard, maar uiteindelik het die veteraan Sullans die dag gewen. Met sy toue en massiewe afwykings van sy troepe na Sulla, besluit Marius om te vlug. Hy en baie van sy manne soek toevlug in Praeneste, maar die doodbevange stadsmense sluit die hekke, Marius moet self aan 'n tou gehys word, terwyl honderde Mariane tussen die mure vasgekeer en die Sullans vermoor word. Sulla laat toe sy luitenant Lucretius Ofella beleër Praeneste en gaan na die nou onverdedigde Rome.

By sy nederlaag het Marius 'n boodskap aan die praetor Brutus Damasippus in Rome gestuur om enige oorblywende Sullan -simpatiseerders dood te maak voordat Sulla die stad kan inneem. Damasippus het 'n vergadering van die senaat belê en daar, in die Curia self, is die merkwaardige mans deur moordenaars afgekap. Sommige, soos Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, is op die trappe van die senaat doodgemaak toe hulle probeer vlug, en die Pontifex Maximus, hoofpriester van Rome, Quintus Mucius Scaevola is vermoor in die tempel van Vesta, en die lyke van die vermoorde is daarna ingegooi die Tiber.

Terwyl Sulla die stad met sy troepe omsingel, is die poorte deur die mense oopgemaak en het hy sonder weerstand ingegaan en Rome sonder 'n geveg ingeneem, terwyl die oorblywende Mariane gevlug het. Die stad was syne, maar Sulla het nie lank in Rome deurgebring voordat hy weer met sy leër vertrek het nie. Ongeveer dieselfde tyd dat Sulla Marius verslaan, staan ​​Metellus voor 'n leër onder leiding van Carbo se generaal Gaius Carrinas, wat hy gelei het, en Carbo, met sy superieure mag, nadat hy gehoor het van die nederlaag in Praeneste teruggetrek het na Arminium. Sulla behaal toe nog 'n oorwinning op Saturnia, gevolg deur sy nederlaag van Carbo by Clusium. Nadat hulle die stad Sena ingeneem en geplunder het, het Pompeius en Crassus 3 000 Mariane by Spoletium geslag, voordat hulle 'n hindernis van 'n mag deur Carbo gestuur het om Marius in Praeneste te verlig. Intussen het die Samniet Pontius Telesinus en die Lucaanse Marcus Lamponius met 70 000 man gehaas om ook die beleg by Praeneste te verbreek. Hierdie krag het Sulla by 'n pas geblokkeer en hul roete onmoontlik gemaak, hy het ook 'n poging van Damasippus met twee legioene om Marius te bereik, geblokkeer. Metellus verslaan daarna 'n leër onder leiding van Norbanus by Faventia en Marcus Terentius Varro Lucullus wen 'n oorwinning oor Carbo se manne op Placentia. Carbo het vir die hele oorlog niks anders as nederlae en terugslae gely nie, en nou het hy moed verloor. Alhoewel hy nog leërs in die veld gehad het, het hy besluit om van die toneel te vlug. Met sy personeel en 'n paar manne vlug Carbo na Sicilië en probeer daar weerstand bied. Met hul leier weg, verenig die res van die Mariese magte vir 'n laaste stand. Damasippus en Carrinas het hul manne by die Samniete en Lucaniërs aangesluit en na Rome opgeruk. Aan die grens van Rome, het die laaste beslissende stryd van die burgeroorlog, die Slag om die Colline -poort, plaasgevind, dat Sulla uiteindelik as oorwinnaars uit die stryd getree het, nadat hy 50 000 dood op die slagveld gelaat het. Carrinas en Lamponius is die volgende dag na Sulla gebring en tereggestel.

Sulla het die stad binnegekom as 'n seëvierende generaal. 'N Vergadering van die senaat is in die tempel van Bellona belê toe Sulla die senatore toespreek, die geluid van verskrikte gille het van die Campus Martius af ingedryf. Sulla kalmeer die senatore deur die gille toe te skryf aan 'sommige misdadigers wat regstelling ontvang'. Wat die senaat in werklikheid gehoor het, was die geluid van 8 000 gevangenes wat die vorige dag oorgegee het om tereggestel te word op bevel van Sulla. Kort daarna het Sulla homself tot diktator verklaar en beklee hy nou die hoogste mag oor Rome.

Toe die honger mense van Praeneste wanhoop en aan Ofella oorgegee het, het Marius in die tonnels onder die stad weggekruip en probeer om daardeur te ontsnap, maar het misluk en selfmoord gepleeg. Die mense van Praeneste word toe meestal deur Ofella vermoor. Carbo is gou ontdek en gearresteer deur Pompeius, wat Sulla gestuur het om die man op te spoor. Pompeius het die huilende man in kettings voor hom gebring en hom in die openbaar tereggestel in Lilybaeum, sy kop daarna na Sulla gestuur en saam met Marius en vele ander in die Forum vertoon.


VOLLEDIGE RIT UIT ROME 14 uur Saturnia -bad en twee Middeleeuse dorpe: Montemerano en Pitigliano

Saturnia is deel van die stad Manciano, op die Maremma -heuwels wat oor die provinsie Grosseto strek. 2 uur en 15 minute van ROME af. Saturnia, 'n ou Etruskiese stad, met sy middeleeuse mure en oorblyfsels van 'n ou Romeinse pad, is bekend vir sy warmwaterbronne wat uit die Romeinse tyd dateer en vandag nog werk. Die swaelwater by 'n temperatuur van 37,5 grade Celsius (98 ° Fahrenheit) het bekende terapeutiese eienskappe wat effektief is vir die vel, die asemhalingstelsel en die muskuloskeletale stelsel. Swaelwater stroom uit die grond teen 'n snelheid van 800 liter per sekonde, wat die suiwerheid van die water waarborg. Dit word beskou as een van die beste termiese baddens ter wêreld en kombineer luukse met gesondheid, ontspanning en plesier, ook danksy die landskap wat die vallei van Saturnia aan sy besoekers bied. Saturnia is veral onder toeriste bekend vir die natuurlike waterval op ongeveer 1 km van die termiese baddens. Die hele jaar, selfs in die winter as die maan vol is, is toegang tot die warm swembad gratis. 'N Opvallende ervaring, veral as gevolg van 'n goeie aandete in plaaslike restaurante, byvoorbeeld in Montemerano en Pitigliano, waar baie aangename plekke te vinde is. Die legende vertel dat Saturnia se termiese bronne op 'n heuwel opborrel op die presiese plek waar Jupiter se donderbol in 'n geveg met Saturnus na die aarde neergestort het, iets wat deur die eeue heen baie nuuskierigheid na hierdie natuurlike bad gelok het. Die legende maak egter min belang vir die besoekers van vandag, en in plaas daarvan gee hulle meer aandag aan die ongelooflike kalmerende uitwerking wat die fonteine ​​op die gemoed het, om nie eens te praat van die genesende eienskappe wat sommige sê dat dit spier-, gewrigs-, kardiovaskulêre en respiratoriese probleme het nie. Saturnia is werklik 'n perfekte plek om te ontspan en te week, en na 'n kort duik het die vulkaniese waters wondere verrig vir u liggaam en siel, ook vir u kinders.

MONTEMERANO : Montemerano is 'n klein deel van die gemeente Manciano en word beskou as een van die beste voorbeelde van 'n ommuurde dorpie in Italië. Selfs vandag is dit eintlik omring deur sy ou stadsmure, wat dit 'n antieke voorkoms gee wat so onweerstaanbaar is dat dit een van die tipiese dorpe van die Toskaanse Maremma is. Dit tref onmiddellik die historiese sentrum, heeltemal in klip, en met 'n nugtere elegansie van die verlede wat uit die vele strate en pleine wat uit die oudste kern bestaan, wat selfs al klein is, van groot skoonheid is. Montemerano vostruito in die dertiende eeu in opdrag van die familie Aldobrandeschi, wat die bedoeling was om dit in alle opsigte 'n stadsvesting te maak: 'n doel wat duidelik blyk nie net uit die teenwoordigheid van die mure nie, maar ook uit die posisie waarin dit is geleë. Montemerano staan ​​in werklikheid bo -op 'n heuwel, waarvandaan dit makliker was om inkomende vyande op te spoor. In die kring van die mooiste dorpe in Italië word dit monumente van groot belang bewaar, soos die kerk van San Giorgio en die van San Lorenzo, albei uitstekende voorbeelde van heilige argitektuur.

PITIGLIANO: Nie verrassend nie, is Pitigliano onder die mooiste dorpe in Italië opgeneem. Die gebied rondom Pitigliano is tipies van die Maremma en die gebied wissel van die grens met die Lazio -streek tot by die Volsini -bergreeks, 'n tipiese tuffgebied. Die stad grens eintlik in die noorde met die gemeente Sorano, in die suidooste met die Lazio-streek en veral met die munisipaliteite Farnese, Ischia di Castro, Latera en Valentano, terwyl ons in die weste vind die stad Manciano. Die hoogte s.l.m. Pitigliano gaan van 300 tot meer as 600 meter wat verband hou met die gebied van Poggio Evangelista, aan die oostelike grens met Lazio. Pitigliano is langs die snelweg 74 geleë, daarom is dit halfpad tussen die verbindingsisteme van die Tyrreense gebied en dié van Sentraal -Italië geleë. Wat die geskiedenis van Pitigliano betref, is eerstens melding gemaak van die Etruske wat in die tuff -steengroewe hul huise hier gebou het en wat teenwoordig was op die terrein vanaf die laat Bronstydperk, of van die 12de tot die 11de eeu vC. Die Etruskiese teenwoordigheid was ook in die huidige datasentrum die bevindings: presies, ons praat oor die oorblyfsels van mure in die distrik Capisotto. In 'n amptelike hoedanigheid verskyn Pitigliano egter vir die eerste keer in 'n bul wat in 1061 deur pous Nicholas II na die hoof van die Sovana -katedraal gestuur is. Siena, Orvieto en van die Medici Florence. Eers in 1574 moes Nicholas IV Orsini Pitigliano, weens 'n paar skuld, aan die Florence van die Medici afstaan, sodat dit deel van die Groothertogdom Toskane geword het. Pitigliano het in 1737 na die Lorraine gegaan en sy vermoeiende herstelfase begin. Die ekonomie van Pitigliano hou hoofsaaklik verband met die wyn waarvan die produksie groot is en wat elke jaar baie besoekers lok. Wyn en olyfolie is in werklikheid die twee produkte by uitstek in die Toskane -streek en veral Pitigliano. Diskresie is die ontwikkeling van die mynbedryf, veral fossielmeel, puimsteen en tuff. Die mees drukste maand vir geleenthede is sonder twyfel September, want dit hou verband met wyn. By die geleentheid, die Wynfees, waartydens die tradisionele wynkelders partytjie hou en u kan proe, maar ook eet, gedompel in die atmosfeer van die kenmerkende omgewing waar die tuff die meester is, omring deur musiek wat tipies is van die plek. Onder die tipiese geregte van die plaaslike gastronomie val die broodnocchi gemaak met Toskaanse brood en wildevarkvleis, sowel as eiers, Parmesaankaas, olyfolie en melk, met 'n knippie peper. Die hoender word ook gewoonlik in Pitigliano gekrul en moet volgens die klassieke resep voorberei word met knoffel, roosmaryn, peper, sout, suurlemoen, asyn, witwyn, ekstra suiwer olyfolie, en natuurlik met chili. Onder die nageregte van Pitigliano vind ons die Sfratti, lekkers van Joodse oorsprong berei met meel, neutmuskaat, eiers, suiker, witwyn, heuning, okkerneute, lemoenskil en, streng, die tipiese ekstra suiwer olyfolie van die plek. Weereens, moenie vergeet om die sogenaamde "Tortello dolce" te proe wat u kan berei deur dit te braai of in die oond te bak nie, gevul met ricotta en kaneel en gegeur met Alchermes likeur. Onder die nuuskierighede, onthou dat onder die huidige Pitigliano 'n ondergrondse stad geleë is met holtes wat tot 100 meter strek. Hier vind u die kenmerkende kelders van die stad waarvoor toeriste so lief is, waar belangrike wyne bewaar word.

SPESIALE AANBIEDINGE: 500 euro Tot 7 of 8 stuks DUUR 12 uur

07:00 vertrek vanaf Rome aankoms by Saturnia -watervalle van Gorello omstreeks 9.30 met ontbytstop langs die roete.

stop die hele oggend by die waterval en u kan swem. toegang is gratis

om 13:00 gaan ons voort na die middeleeuse dorpie Montemerano, 20 minute van Saturnia af, vir 'n middagete in 'n lekker restaurant van Toskaanse kookkuns en wynproe en toer in die dorp

om 15:00 gaan ons verder na Pitigliano, 'n baie tipiese en suggestiewe middeleeuse dorpie vir die toer deur die dorp

om 18:00 vertrek na Rome Waarskuwings: middagete is nie ingesluit nie. U moet 'n swembroek en strandhanddoeke saambring as u dit nie het nie, ons sal dit vir u bring


Hoe om voor te berei vir u besoek

As u van plan is om hierdie warmwaterbronne in u reisplan op te neem, is daar 'n paar dinge wat u regtig moet weet:

& rArr Daar is geen openbare kleedkamers nie, so u sal dit moontlik wil doen kom geklee in jou swembroek. Die meeste mense is voorbereid met groot handdoeke om dit makliker te maak om in droë klere oor te skakel nadat hulle klaar in die warm water geslaap het.

& rArr Parkering is gratis, maar beperk. Daar is feitlik 'n perseel langs die watervalle, alhoewel dit gelukkig nie 'n oogopslag is as u die termiese waters geniet nie. Daar is 'n tweede parkeerterrein nie te ver in 'n groot veld nie; dit is 'n kort entjie se stap en goed aangedui. In die hoogseisoen kan dit baie moeilik wees om 'n plek te vind, en dit is maklik om 'n parkeerkaartjie te kry. Gee dus aandag aan waar u parkeer!

& rArr Die gebied is feitlik sonder toesig deur enige tipe gesag wat dit beteken geen lewensredders nie. U vind egter 'n kroeg op die perseel met beperkte badkamergebruik en tipiese kroegkos. Elkeen is verantwoordelik vir sy eie opruiming.

& rArr Die omgewing rondom die waterval en die poele word omring deur gruis en sand, dit is baie moeilik op onbeskermde voete. My voorstel is om met waterskoene aan te kom, of ten minste slippers of tekkies wat nie omgee om nat te word nie.

& rArr Bring 'n handdoek en sonbrandroom. Moenie mislei word deur te dink dat die waters u sal beskerm teen 'n oordosis son nie. Daar is baie min skaduwee in die omgewing, en gedurende die somermaande is dit maklik om robynrooi te word.

& rArr Kom voorbereid met jou eie drankies en versnaperinge, die balk op die perseel bevat 'n paar basiese beginsels, maar dit is nie die beste voorstelling van die heerlike Toskaanse kombuis nie.

& rArr Alhoewel baie plekke u sal vertel dat hierdie waters 'n goed bewaarde geheim is, is dit regtig nie so nie! Baie mense kom geniet die waters - so hulle is baie besig. Dit is lekker om 'n swembad te vind waar u kan staan ​​onder die terapeutiese waters wat uit die bron vloei, maar as u 'n bietjie meer privaatheid soek, kan u die water volg en die hoofpoele verlaat vir rustiger gebiede.


Wat moet u weet oor Saturnia?

In die gemeente Manciano in Maremma sal u sien dat daar 'n klein dorpie op 'n heuwel is wat uitkyk oor die wêreldberoemde termiese bronne, bekend as Saturnia. Die stad lyk soos 'n Etruskiese gevoel en kan gevind word langs die Romeinse pad Clodia, in die middel van die Cassia- en Aurelia -paaie.

Die manier waarop hierdie plek ontstaan ​​het, is werklik oud, soos bewys is deur die wonderlike Porta Romana, Roman Gates, wat dateer uit die 2de eeu vC, geleë binne die middeleeuse mure wat deur die Aldobrandeschi -gesin gebou is. Dit was in die besit van Siena tot in die 16de eeu sedert dit in die Groothertogdom Toskane gemaak is.

Wat Saturnia 'n aantreklike bestemming maak, is die beroemde termiese bronne. Hierdie termiese baddens bestaan ​​uit verskeie bronne wat strek van die berg Amiata tot by die heuwels Albenga en Fiora en tot by Roselle en Talamone. 'N Ander rede om te glo oor sy glorieryke verlede, is die Bagno Santo, Heilige Bad, waar dit bekend staan ​​as 'n antidiluviaanse heilige plek, 'n paar kilometer van die sentrum af. Die middeleeuse kerk Santa Maria Maddalena in Saturnia is 'n moet -besoek vanweë sy boeiende artistieke meesterwerke. U moet ook die Argeologiese Museum en die Aldobrandeschi -vesting besoek, maar laasgenoemde is nie vir die publiek toeganklik nie.

In Saturnia is daar warm swaelwater wat by die Romeine en Etruske bekend is. Hierdie waters het 'n temperatuur van 37,5 ° C en bied ontspannende en terapeutiese eienskappe. Volgens die legende is die bronne geskep omdat dit die plek is waar die donderbol van Jupiter geval het in sy stryd teen Saturnus.

Afgesien van die luukse welstands- en spa -sentrums van Saturnia, is daar 2 buite watervalle wat u moet besoek, naamlik: Cascate del Gorello en Cascate del Mulino. As u die bekendste natuurlike bronne in Toskane wil besoek, is Cascate del Mulino die regte plek. Die waterval self is ontspannend, en afgesien daarvan het dit verskeie natuurlike poele warm termiese water, wat beslis die ervaring sal bydra. Hierdie plek is die hele jaar oop vir die publiek, en die beste deel is dat dit gratis is! Die enigste ding waaroor u hoef te bekommer, is die parkering. Gedurende die hoogseisoen sal u dit moeilik vind om 'n parkeerplek te vind, en as u onwettig parkeer, kan dit maklik wees om 'n parkeerkaartjie te kry, aangesien die polisie altyd daar patrolleer. Dus, voordat u ontspan, moet u eers die regte pad parkeer.

As u in Maremma is, moet u nie vergeet om by Saturnia en sy termiese bronne in te gaan nie. Hierdie plek is werklik 'n juweel, want dit is waar geskiedenis en wilde natuur perfek saamsmelt, wat Toskane 'n ideale vakansieplek maak wanneer u Italië besoek!


Berge, vyf pieke en die verlate dorpie Pentedattilo

Uitsig oor Pentedattilo. Foto: Gunold/Dreamstime

Nie ver van Reggio Calabria af nie, diep in die pragtige Aspromonte Nasionale Park en in die hartjie van die Griko-sprekende gebied in die streek (Griko is 'n dialek, 'n spoor van die ou teenwoordigheid van die Grieke hier), vind nuuskierige reisigers een van die beroemdste spookdorpe in die land, Pentedattilo.

Van noord na suid is die spookdorpe in Italië die gevolg van 'n mengsel tussen ekonomiese noodsaaklikhede en territoriale gevare: Bussana Vecchia, in Ligurië, en Apice Vecchia, in Kampanië, is verlaat weens 'n aardbewing Craco, in Basilicata, as gevolg van 'n grondverskuiwing en Savogno, in Lombardië, het die slagoffer geraak van die noodsaaklikheid van die mense om werk te vind in nabygeleë stede en dorpe.

En dan is daar Pentedattilo. Net nog 'n naam in hierdie lang lys plekke wat deur mense, tyd en geskiedenis vergeet is, of so lyk dit. Maar is dit regtig so? In werklikheid is Pentedattilo, net soos baie van die spookdorpe in Italië, nie meer die tuiste van baie nie, maar geniet dit die afgelope paar dekades 'n herlewing. Kom ons kyk hoe en hoekom.

Pentedattilo is 'n klein gehuggie in die gemeente Melito Porto Salvo, volledig gebou op 'n krans van Monte Calvario, ongeveer 250 meter bo seespieël. Monte Calvario het 'n baie eienaardige vorm, een wat Pentedattilo sy naam gegee het: sy pieke lyk soos vyf vingers in die lug, dus die oorspronklike Griekse naam van die nedersetting, pènta-daktylos, wat net dit beteken, "vyf vingers." In sy bloeitydperk het dit selfs 'n kasteel gehad, waarvan daar vandag slegs 'n paar ruïnes rondom is, die ou dorpie ontwikkel het, in die vorm en vorm wat dit nog het.

Pentedattilo is vandag 'n verlate stad. Foto: Marcobarone/Dreamstime

Soos die naam ons vertel, is Pentedattilo die eerste keer in 640 vC deur die Grieke beset: dit was 'n lewendige en welvarende sentrum en het ook 'n belangrike militêre rol gespeel wat gedurende die Grieks-Romeinse tydperk behou is. Na die agteruitgang van die Wes -Romeinse Ryk, is die gebied deur die Bisantyne regeer en begin 'n lang tyd van verval, gekenmerk deur armoede en gereelde inval van Sarasene. In die 12de eeu is Pentedattilo deur die Normandiërs verower en in die hand van 'n aantal adellike gesinne oorgedra: dit was egter veral twee gesinne wat hul naam verbind het met die van die dorp, die Alberti gesin en die Abenavoli -familie. Hulle is die kern van 'n hartseer en tragiese gebeurtenis, die Slagting op die Alberti, wat in 1686 plaasgevind het en wat die geskiedenis van die dorp sou vorm.

Die Alberti, markies van Pentedattilo, het as heersers in die stad op die Abenavoli geslaag, en die verhouding tussen die twee gesinne was nog nooit goed nie. Dinge lyk egter beter, wanneer Bernardino Abenavoli gevra om te trou Antonietta, dogter van die markies. Dit was nie 'n ongewone stap nie: ons weet almal dat baie familievete in die verlede deur gesamentlike huwelike gesorteer is. In 'n tipiese wending het Antonietta se broer - wat sy besigheid nie kon toelaat nie en pa die show kon laat bestuur - besluit om sy suster se hand aan Don Petrillo Cortez, seun van die onderkoning van Napels, te gee. Soos u u kan voorstel, was Bernardino nie beïndruk nie, en in die nag van 16 April 1686 het hy by die Alberti -kasteel in Pentedattilo ingebreek en almal vermoor, insluitend die jong Simone Alberti, 9 jaar oud. Hy het slegs Antonietta en Petrillo Cortez gered , om te verseker dat die onderkoning nie gaan vergeld nie. Maar Cortez, soos enige goeie militêre man en heerser van daardie tye sou doen, het vir die swaard gekies en sy leër na Pentedattilo gestuur. Sommige van die samesweerders is gevange geneem en vermoor, maar Bernardino het daarin geslaag om te ontsnap saam met Antonietta, met wie hy eers getroud is en toe in 'n klooster verlaat het. Volgens legendes het Bernardino uiteindelik by die Oostenrykse leër aangesluit en in die geveg gesterf.

Terwyl die bloedbad van die Alberti -familie histories werklik is, het 'n groot aantal legendes daaroor gedy. Daar word byvoorbeeld gesê dat die vyf, vingeragtige pieke van Monte Calvario eendag op die dorp sal val om sy mense te straf vir Bernardino se bloeddors, 'n ander sê dat die pieke die bloedige hand van Bernardino Abenavoli self simboliseer, en daarom is die inwoners noem die berg die "Hand van die duiwel".

Soos dit in enige spookverhaal met respek gebeur, sweer sommige dat hulle die geroep van die Albertis in die nag kan hoor, as dit baie winderig is, tussen die vyf rotsagtige vingers van die Hand of the Devil.

'N Straat in Pentedattilo. Foto: Sabine Katzenberger/Dreamstime

Dit lyk asof die geskiedenis van Pentedattilo onheilspellend aandui dat Abenavoli inderdaad boosheid en negatiwiteit op die dorp gelok het, omdat dit minder as 100 jaar later ernstig beskadig is deur 'n aardbewing: die begin van die einde. Sy mense het gevoel dat Pentedattilo nie meer veilig is nie, en soek beskerming - en beter werk - in die nabygeleë Melito Porto Salvo. As gevolg hiervan het Pentedattilo in 1811 sy munisipaliteitstatus verloor en 'n gehuggie van die groter dorp geword.

Pentedattilo het 'n groot seismiese risiko gebly en het gereeld oorstroom: daarom is dit in 1968, byna drie eeue na die slagting wat donkerheid en ongeluk veroorsaak het, onbewoonbaar verklaar en uiteindelik in 1971 laat vaar.

Die lewe begin weer glimlag op Pentedattilo in die 1980's, toe verskeie verenigings met lede van regoor die wêreld besluit het om dit te herontwikkel. En so keer plaaslike vakmanne en kunstenaars terug na die verlate kliphuise, herstel dit en maak ateliers en winkels oop. Plaaslike erfenis- en produksiemuseums is ook sedertdien geopen, waaronder die Museum van gewilde tradisies, en die Casa del Bergamotto, toegewy aan die antieke verbouing van bergamot in die omgewing.

Daar is meer: ​​elke somer bied Pentedattilo ook twee belangrike kunstefeeste aan, die Paleariza, 'n rondreisende gebeurtenis wat daarop gemik was om die erfenis van die Griekse dialek wat in die gebied gepraat word, en die Pentedattilo Filmfees, toegewy aan regisseurs van opkomende kortfilms.

Alhoewel dit nie meer 'n opsie is om in Pentedattilo te bly nie, word die geskiedenis en erfenis daarvan lewend gehou en kan dit elke dag nog geniet word deur alle besoekers wat meer daarvan wil weet.

Non lontano da Reggio Calabria, nel profondo del bellissimo Parco Nazionale dell ’Aspromonte e nel cuore dell ’area di lingua grika della regione (il griko è un dialetto, residuo dell ’antica presenza dei greci), i viaggio più famosi del Belpaese: Pentedattilo.

Da nord a sud, le città fantasma sono molte, frutto di un mix tra necessità economiche e pericoli territoriali: Bussana Vecchia, in Liguria, e Apice Vecchia, in Campania, sono state abbandonate a causa di un terremoto Craco, in Basilicata, a causa di una frana e Savogno, in Lombardia, ha subito la necessità dei suoi abitanti di trovare lavoro nelle città e nei paesi vicini.

E poi c ’è Pentedattilo. Solo un altro nome in questa lunga list of luoghi dimenticati, così sembra, dalla gente, tempo en dalla storia. Kan ek dit doen? In realtà Pentedattilo, kom molti dei paesi fantasma d ’Italia, non è più la casa di molte persone, ma negli ultimi decenni sta vivendo una rinascita. Vediamo kom e perché.

Pentedattilo è una piccola frazione del comune di Melito Porto Salvo, costruita interamente su una rupe del Monte Calvario, ongeveer 250 metri sul livello del mare. Die Monte Calvario het 'n unieke formule, 'n datum waarop ons 'n naam kan gee: 'n supe cime sembrano cinque dita protese nel cielo, da cui il nome originale greco dell ’insediamento, pènta-daktylos, che significa proprio questo, “cinque dita ”. Nel suo periodo d ’oro, aveva anche un castello, di cui oggi rimangono solo alcune rovine intorno ad esso si sviluppò l ’antico villaggio, nella forma che ha tuttora.
Kom ons kyk na 'n ander woord, ons kan 'n mens in 'n tydperk van 640 a.C .: 'n sentrale lewe en 'n vooruitstrewende rol in 'n belangrike militêre rol speel. Dopo il declino dell’Impero Romano d’Occidente, la zona fu governata dai Bizantini e iniziò un lungo periodo di decadenza, segnato dalla povertà e dalle frequenti incursioni saracene. Nel XII secolo, Pentedattilo fu conquistata dai Normanni e passò nelle mani di alcune famiglie nobili: furono però due famiglie in particolare ad associare il loro nome a quello del paese, gli Alberti e gli Abenavoli. Esse sono al centro di un evento doloroso e tragico, il massacro degli Alberti, che ebbe luogo nel 1686 e che segnò la storia del paese.

Gli Alberti, marchesi di Pentedattilo, erano succeduti agli Abenavoli come governanti della città, e i rapporti tra le due famiglie non erano mai stati buoni. Le cose sembrarono migliorare, quando Bernardino Abenavoli chiese di sposare Antonietta, figlia del marchese. Non era una mossa insolita: sappiamo tutti che, in passato, molte faide familiari venivano risolte attraverso matrimoni combinati. Con un tipico colpo di scena, il fratello di Antonietta – incapace di farsi gli affari suoi e lasciare che fosse il padre a dirigere lo spettacolo – decise di concedere la mano della sorella a Don Petrillo Cortez, figlio del viceré di Napoli. Come potete immaginare, Bernardino non ne fu contento e così, la notte del 16 aprile 1686, irruppe nel castello degli Alberti a Pentedattilo e uccise tutti, compreso il piccolo Simone Alberti, di 9 anni. Salvò solo Antonietta e Petrillo Cortez, per assicurarsi che il viceré non si sarebbe vendicato. Ma Cortez, come avrebbe fatto ogni buon militare e governante di quei tempi, optò per la spada e mandò il suo esercito a Pentedattilo. Alcuni dei cospiratori furono catturati e uccisi, ma Bernardino riuscì a fuggire con Antonietta, che prima sposò e poi abbandonò in un convento. Le leggende dicono che Bernardino, alla fine, si arruolò nell’esercito austriaco e morì in battaglia.
Se il massacro della famiglia Alberti è storicamente avvenuto, un gran numero di leggende è fiorito intorno ad esso. Per esempio, si dice che le cinque cime del Monte Calvario, simili a dita, un giorno cadranno sul villaggio per punire gli abitanti per la sete di sangue di Bernardino si dice anche che le cime simboleggiano la mano sanguinante di Bernardino Abenavoli, ed è per questo che la gente del posto chiama la montagna la “Mano del Diavolo”.

Come accade in ogni storia di fantasmi che si rispetti, alcuni giurano di poter ancora sentire le grida degli Albertini riecheggiare di notte, quando c’è molto vento, tra le cinque dita rocciose della Mano del Diavolo.

La storia di Pentedattilo sembra suggerire in modo inquietante che Abenavoli abbia effettivamente attirato il male e la negatività sul paese perché, meno di 100 anni dopo, fu gravemente danneggiato da un terremoto: l’inizio della fine. La sua gente sentì che Pentedattilo non era più sicura e cercò protezione – e migliori lavori – nella vicina Melito Porto Salvo. A causa di ciò, nel 1811 Pentedattilo perse il suo status di comune e divenne una frazione del villaggio più grande.
Pentedattilo rimase ad alto rischio sismico, e si allagò spesso: per questo nel 1968, quasi tre secoli dopo la strage che portò su di esso tenebre e disgrazie, fu dichiarato inabitabile e infine abbandonato nel 1971.
La vita ha ripreso a sorridere a Pentedattilo negli anni 󈨔, quando diverse associazioni con membri provenienti da tutto il mondo hanno deciso di riqualificarlo. E così, artigiani e artisti locali sono tornati nelle case di pietra abbandonate, le hanno sistemate e hanno aperto atelier e negozi. Da allora sono stati aperti anche musei del patrimonio e dei prodotti locali, tra cui il Museo delle tradizioni popolari e la Casa del Bergamotto, dedicata all’antica coltivazione del bergamotto tipica della zona.
C’è di più: ogni estate, Pentedattilo ospita anche due importanti festival d’arte, Paleariza, una manifestazione itinerante volta a mantenere vivo il patrimonio del dialetto greco parlato nella zona, e il Pentedattilo Film Festival, dedicato ai registi emergenti di cortometraggi.
Anche se vivere a Pentedattilo non è più possibile, la sua storia e il suo patrimonio sono mantenuti vivi e possono ancora essere goduti, giorno dopo giorno, da tutti i visitatori che vogliono saperne di più.


The Crusader Army Crosses into Asia Minor III

The crusader leaders acted quickly. Nicaea fell on 19 June. On 26 June the first contingents left Nicaea, amongst them the Normans of South Italy. Various groups left subsequently, the last being the Provençals on 28 June and the army gathered at a place where there was a bridge, which Anna Comnena identifies as Lefke, about twenty-five kilometres east of Nicaea. A number of crusaders had stayed behind at Nicaea and took service with the emperor, while Anselm of Ribemont was sent to the imperial court by the leaders in order to settle outstanding business. They had already decided to go to Antioch, so necessarily they had to direct their path towards the old Byzantine fortress at Dorylaeum (Eskişehir) which was the gateway to the Anatolian plateau. The sources are quite clear that in the two days of march after the concentration of the army they broke into two groups, a vanguard and a main force. Raymond of Aguilers says that this happened after one day’s march, which suggests that the Provençals had left Nicaea a day later than the first contingents. We know how they divided the vanguard was led by Bohemond, Tancred, Robert of Normandy and Stephen of Blois, probably fewer than 20,000 in all. The second, larger force, comprising the rest of the army was under Robert of Flanders, Hugh of Vermandois, Godfrey de Bouillon and Raymond of Toulouse, – rather more than 30,000 strong. It is more difficult to suggest why this happened. Fulcher, who was in the vanguard, simply confesses that he does not know the Anonymous says there was confusion in the dark as the army left its place of concentration, while Raymond of Aguilers says that it was the fault of Bohemond and his companions who rushed on rashly (temere). Albert of Aix says that it was the result of a deliberate decision of the princes who after two days of marching the army together, now felt the need to divide it for foraging. Ralph of Caen tells us that some thought the division deliberate, and specifically denies this, which suggests that even after the crusade the matter was still being debated. It is likely that sheer size and the lack of any overall commander were the real reasons. The army of Frederick Barbarossa on the Third Crusade was 100,000 strong and seems to have taken three days to pass any single point. The sources for the battle of Dorylaeum make clear that most of the casualties were suffered by stragglers between the two forces, which would suggest that the host became strung out simply as a result of the natural frictions of the march. The disagreements and uncertainty of the three eyewitnesses – Raymond with the main force, Fulcher and the Anonymous with the vanguard, support this view. It also reflects the incoherence of the crusade’s command arrangements. It is worth remembering that the baggage train of Peter the Hermit’s much smaller force straggled a mile along the road and that the crusader army at its maximum strength was well over twice that size. But perhaps the leaders conferred at some point and gave their blessing to a division already becoming apparent. At the time of the battle Raymond of Aguilers says quite clearly that the two parts of the army were two miles apart – over five kilometres.

The crusaders had now begun a march which would result in what is conventionally called the battle of Dorylaeum, for Anna Comnena says that it took place when Kilij Arslan ambushed Bohemond and the vanguard ‘on the plain of Dorylaeum’. In a letter of the leaders to the West on 11 September 1098, they referred to the battle at ‘Dorotilla’ which sounds very like the same place. One manuscript of the chronicle of Raymond of Aguilers refers to the battle ‘in campo florido’. Albert says that the battle took place ‘in vallem Degorganhi’, now called the Orellis, but later has Bohemond’s messenger to the other leaders say that the enemy attacked down the Orellis into the Degorganhi: neither of these place names can be identified and Albert does later use the name Orellis to mean somewhere quite different. However, there are grave difficulties about the idea that the battle was fought at or near Dorylaeum. The Anonymous says that the army marched one day from Nicaea and encamped for two days by a bridge while all the contingents gathered, then marched for two days until the battle on the third day. Raymond of Aguilers says that on the third day after the concentration of the army they met the enemy. Anselm says that after a two day march they encountered the enemy on the morning of the third day which was ‘kal. Iulii’, 1 July Fulcher confirms the date and confirms that the battle began in the morning. Thus the crusade began to leave Nicaea on 26 June and concentrated at a river crossing, from which it departed on 29 June. It then marched for two days and fought the enemy in the morning of 1 July. When we examine the distances and the likely rates of march of the crusader army it is evident that they could not have reached the close vicinity of Dorylaeum in this time. Anna Comnena says that the army concentrated at the bridge of Lefke, which probably means the bridge over the Göksu, a western tributary of the Sakarya Nehri. Nicaea to Lefke on the Roman road is twenty-five kilometres, and Dorylaeum another ninety kilometres. If, as has been suggested, the army marched south to the Göksu and crossed it in the vicinity of Yenişhehir (a distance of thirty kilometres) they still had to cover roughly the same distance to Dorylaeum. A study of the rates of march of the individual armies across Europe to Constantinople suggests that, in the most favourable circumstances, the forces of Godfrey and Peter the Hermit never did more than twenty-nine kilometres per day. The army which left Nicaea was much larger and lacked a clear overall command and is likely to have progressed much more slowly. Barbarossa’s army probably managed about twenty-nine kilometres per day in Europe.86 Even at these rates the army would have been about thirty kilometres short of Dorylaeum after two days of marching, but they were probably moving much more slowly for they were in the presence of the enemy and encumbered with a heavy baggage-train. We can reasonably accurately date the departure of the army from Dorylaeum and its arrival at Antioch as being 4 July to 20 October. In 105 days of marching (with fifteen days of rest) they travelled 1180 kilometres, an average of thirteen kilometres per day which the Chronologie of Hagenmeyer suggests varied between eight and eighteen kilometres. There is no point in seeking comparison with events after Antioch when the army was much smaller. Furthermore, the crusaders knew the enemy were about and this would have restricted their speed, even if the vanguard did push on somewhat. All this suggests that the battle could not have taken place more than forty kilometres, or just conceivably fifty kilometres, south of Lefke or the Göksu crossing. Hagenmeyer recognised the problem and suggested Bozüyük just over fifty kilometres south of Lefke and about the same from Yenişhehir. This is probably as far as the army could conceivably have reached and it certainly could be regarded as being in the valley of Dorylaeum, as suggested by the letter of the leaders. Runciman points out that a Byzantine road runs further north through Sögüt and enters the plain ten kilometres short of Dorylaeum, where he thinks the battle took place. However, as Runciman admits, although this road does cross rivers, the countryside was very steep indeed and this probably rules out any of these crossings. But more simply, this was most certainly further than the army could have reached. What is clear is that the battle took place in a wide valley, for Albert says that Bohemond’s force was well to the right of the main force as well as ahead of it. Moreover, there was a river, for Albert mentions streams and Ralph of Caen, whose description is detailed, says that it was fought after a river crossing. William of Tyre follows Albert for the most part but with some variations. He says that the army followed a river in the valley of Gorgoni, and that the main force was to the right of Bohemond’s, reversing Albert’s statement. Albert’s account of a battle fought where two valleys join, taken together with Raymond’s mention of the ‘flowered field’ and the general description of the battle, suggests that it was fought in open land on the road towards Dorylaeum, and the comments of Albert and Ralph indicate not far from a river crossing or crossings, although these played no role in the major action. In fact to understand the battle we need to understand fully the circumstances in which the army found itself, the country and its road system.

After the capture of Nicaea it is clear from Stephen’s letter that the leaders had decided to march to Antioch, and evidently they had decided not to take the coastal route. They also rejected the ‘Pilgrim Road’ due east from Nicaea via Iuliopolis (near the modern village of Çayirbano) and Ancyra (Ankara) down through the heart of Asia Minor and across the Cilician Gates to Tarsus. Instead they decided to mount the Anatolian plateau towards the Byzantine military station at Dorylaeum (modern Eskişehir) which, at 800 metres commands the obvious point of entry to the plateau via a broad valley the sides of which rise to 1,200 metres and beyond. Because Anna Comnena mentions the bridge at Lefke it has been assumed that the host marched east from Nicaea up the gently sloping plain, over the watershed and into the valley of the Sakarya and then up that of its southern tributary, the Kara Su, to its upper reaches just north of Bozüyük, where the land opens out into the wide valley which leads to Dorylaeum. But it is difficult to believe that the army would have taken this route, for the valley of the Kara Su, even in its lower reaches, is very steep and difficult and at Bilecik enters a spectacular gorge before narrowing even further into a grim steep defile which would have formed a perfect ambush site. The Byzantine road forked at Bilecik providing a road via modern Sögüt to Dorylaeum, but this road too is dangerously scenic and offers no open sites until it is very close to Dorylaeum. It is far more likely that the crusaders marched south from Nicaea. The first stage of this journey over the Avdan Dagi, whose peaks rise to 835 metres would have been quite difficult but thereafter they could cross the Göksu in the vicinity of modern Yenişehehir. From there a Roman road crossed the Ahl Dag, which rise to 1000 metres and emerged into the broad valley above Bozüyük, roughly where the modern Ego road from Bursa meets route 650 from Bilecik, just south of the narrow gorges of the Kara Su and some three to five kilometres north of Bozüyük. While by no means easy this route is no longer and offered a much more open approach to the high plateau. It is very likely that it was at this junction of roads in the plain that the battle of Dorylaeum took place. Albert clearly indicates that the site was where two valleys meet, and the open ground here is about the right distance from the crossing of the Göksu. Moreover, the Anonymous says that when the crusader force came it formed up to the right of Bohemond’s trapped vanguard – it was, therefore, from the right that the attack came. This is also the force of Albert’s insistence on telling us that the vanguard moved to the right of the main force and William of Tyre’s careful correction that they were to the left, which fits with the Anonymous’s account. Both are explaining the subsequent alignment of the battle. This would fit with the suggestion made here that the crusaders approached along the gentle valley from the west and were ambushed by the Turkish army lying in the southern valley to their right. The logic of the battle is clear. Kilij Arslan and his Turks were returning to the fray. This time he had concluded an alliance with the Danishmend Emir and together they were ready to attack the Franks. They chose to do so on the approaches to the high plateau and at a point of maximum advantage where they could lay an ambush and destroy an isolated part of the crusader force before its main weight could be brought to bear. It was the strategy of the Nicaea attack, but this time in less confined ground where Turkish speed of manoeuvre could be maximised. The Turkish army was probably much smaller than the total force of the crusaders and so had to avoid direct conflict with the main force and defeat their enemy in detail. Fulcher’s 360,000, though supported by the Anonymous, is sheer fantasy. In the accounts of the Crusade of 1101 we hear of the 700 knights in the rearguard of the main Lombard army being savaged by 500 Turks, while the army which destroyed the Bavarian and Aquitainian army was only 4,000 in all. The Turkish force was entirely mounted and was probably roughly equal to the knights in the whole crusader host. Therefore, a battle of movement involving the cavalry element would nullify the huge numeric advantage of the western forces and, in the attack on the crusader vanguard, Kilij Arslan would actually outnumber the western knights. If the Franks had marched up the gorge of the Kara Su they would surely have attacked them there, just as they would later destroy the Byzantine army at Myriokephalon in 1176.

On the evening of 30 June Fulcher and Ralph of Caen both say that the vanguard saw Turkish forces, substantiating intelligence which had already suggested that they were in the vicinity this last comment suggests that Tatikios was with the vanguard, although no chronicler mentions him. Clearly at least, the vanguard, more than five kilometres ahead of the main force, were aware of the enemy presence.95 Albert of Aachen places the battle in the evening – starting as the army camped at the ninth hour, late afternoon. However, Albert here seems to be trying to make sense of his sources, hence perhaps his error on which side of the valley the vanguard was following, for his suggestion of an evening battle is connected with the act of making camp. But the Anonymous says that the battle raged from the third to ninth hour, and Fulcher suggests that the vanguard was on its own from the first to sixth hour (6–7am–noon). As these writers were actually with the front force they should be preferred, particularly as Ralph of Caen confirms their story that contact was made with the enemy on the evening before the battle and that the march was resumed the next morning when the crusaders were forced to pitch camp when it became apparent that a large enemy army was present. It was probably making sense of this sequence of events which confused Albert whose account, however, contains much valuable information. Fulcher’s account is peculiarly vivid for he was in the camp where: ‘We were all indeed huddled together like sheep in a fold, trembling and frightened, surrounded on all sides by enemies so that we could not turn in any direction’, while the Anonymous was with the knights of the vanguard who were outside the camp from which the women brought water.97 Ralph says that after an anxious night the army moved on and forced the passage of a river after which the appearance of the enemy compelled them to pitch their camp Fulcher says they camped by a marsh which gave them some protection from the enemy and that later the enemy broke across the marsh. His account of murderous fighting in the camp is supported by Albert, who says that Robert of Paris died there trying to help the rank and file and adds the picturesque detail that young women tried to make themselves look beautiful so that they would be spared the sword. Ralph of Caen shows the knights depressed by their inability to save the others. Crusader sources therefore suggest two distinct actions within the battle. Fulcher speaks of the leaders fighting while those like him in the camp desperately resisted. Albert says that at the sight of the enemy Bohemond and the knights rode forward but were unable to prevent the Turks getting into the camp. Ralph tells us that when the camp was pitched the knights attacked the enemy, but were driven back in disorder and saved only by Robert of Normandy who rallied them with scornful words – subsequently they were involved in heavy fighting in which Tancred’s brother William was killed. The Anonymous says that when the enemy were sighted Bohemond ordered the foot to pitch camp and the knights to attack the enemy, and then makes it clear that the cavalry were driven back on the camp, for he says that in the subsequent fighting the women brought water to them. Raymond of Aguilers suggests that the camp was sacked by the enemy. Ralph says that thereafter the knights fought hard, commanded separately by Bohemond and Robert of Normandy, and appears to show these men imposing solid discipline upon their followers. The Anonymous tells us that from the first the vanguard was surrounded – ‘we are encircled’ he has Bohemond say – yet Fulcher speaks of a marsh on one side of the camp protecting them and the subsequent development of the battle was to the vanguard’s right. This can be explained by reference to the lie of the land. The convergence of the two valleys forms a natural basin against the northern rim of which Bohemond was pinned by the Turkish main force, but smaller troops of the enemy probably menaced from the surrounding hills, for the Anonymous mentions the enemy presence there.

Bohemond is 5 km ahead of the main army in company with Robert of Normandy and the Counts of Blois and Flanders together with the Byzantines having descended from Nicaea to the northwest they enter the main valley leading to Dorylaeum and see the Turks. Bohemond orders his foot to make camp quickly and throws forward his cavalry to protect them.

The Franco-Norman cavalry is driven back on the camp, rallied by its leaders, and forms the outer shell of resistance in a ‘wearing-out fight’. The crusader army is surrounded, though partially protected by a marsh (location conjectural). They cling on, relying on their compact mass hoping for help from the main force.

Godfrey and the Provençals of the main army arrive forcing the Turks to break off their attack and turn to meet the new threat to their left. The new arrivals form up to the RIGHT of Bohemond’s beleaguered force.

The Count of Toulouse enters the main valley through the Drumlins which mark its western shoulder, and his attack on their rear and left forces the Turks to flee leaving victory to the Crusaders.

Throughout the morning there was heavy and unpleasant fighting at close quarters. The western knights seem to have been pinned against the southern side of their camp holding off the Turks who, however, were able to penetrate from other sides despite the difficulties presented by a marsh on one side and the considerable resistance of the crusader footmen. About noon, after five to six hours of this bitter fighting, the knights of the main force came up to relieve their comrades. The Anonymous describes the formation of a battle line, but this is the tidiness of hindsight. The main force was probably well out of sight of the battle in the western valley and, although messages seem to have been sent back early, it was not until about noon that they appeared. This is not surprising, for the main army’s knights had to prepare themselves for battle and then to ride five kilometres along a road which was probably choked with transport and stragglers. It is unlikely that they had much time to form into line. Far to the right, the bishop of Le Puy seems to have charged behind a small hill and come upon the enemy now turning to face the new threat on their left, from the rear. At the convergence of the two valleys there are a number of glacial drumlins and one of these was probably the hill to which reference is made. There is no reason to believe that this was planned rather a pell-mell battle developed in which skirmishes such as that in which Godfrey with 50 sodales attacked what they believed to be Kilij Arslan and his household on a low hill were the rule. A running fight ensued in which the enemy often turned to fight causing casualties like Gerard of Quiersy. The enemy’s camp was sacked and the nomads were pursued along the road so that, for two or three days after, the army passed enemy soldiers and horses fallen by the wayside. Casualties appear to have been heavy although how far we can regard Albert’s 4,000 Christians and 3,000 Turks as precise figures is a different matter. They do, however, sound small enough to be credible and large enough to suggest heavy fighting. Large numbers of the main force, the foot, the non-combatants generally and presumably some knights, were never engaged at all. It is interesting that Fulcher says that most of the casualties were those caught straggling between the two crusader armies, a comment substantiated by Raymond of Aguilers.

Dorylaeum was a nasty experience for the crusaders. They were not caught totally by surprise in that they knew the enemy were near, but it is odd that the leaders in the vanguard did not warn the main force behind them. Presumably, they simply took it for granted that the enemy was around but could not guess that his main force was so close. It is unlikely that Kilij Arslan was ignorant of the whereabouts of the crusader main force. He attempted to destroy their smaller element in favourable circumstances, counting on numeric superiority to bring victory in a mobile battle over the knights in the vanguard. The crusaders were alert and their foot prepared to pitch camp while an element of the knights confronted the enemy and were put to flight, falling back on the camp where their solid formation, and the fact that the site was confined by the edge of the plain and a marsh, enabled them to resist the Turks. The Turks were drawn into close quarter fighting both against the knights and in amongst the tents and baggage. ‘The enemy were helped by numbers’, says Ralph, referring to the knights, ‘we by our armour’, which suggests that the knights adopted a solid formation and refused to be broken up by the enemy’s attacks with arrows and missiles. The stall-fed horses of the western knights may have been larger than the ponies of the Turks, and this weight advantage may have helped to solidify their resistance but, in general it was of no more use to them than it had been to the Byzantines. The western knights in the vanguard must have been quite helpless and the progress of the Turks in the camp would have destroyed their entire position, but relief came. Both sides seem to have been surprised by the enemy. The crusaders were appalled by the enemy tactics which struck the Anonymous as menacing and daring and Fulcher as totally new: ‘to all of us such warfare was unknown’. He was also struck by the fact that the enemy were entirely mounted: ‘All were mounted. On the other hand we had both footmen and bowmen.’ Albert of Aix remarks time after time in his account on Turkish use of the bow which clearly struck the crusaders as novel. But the leaders had been warned by Alexius and Frankish contact with the east, and even those in the vanguard managed to keep control of their forces – though luck played its part in this. Furthermore, they seem to have made sure that all were alert, for although the timing of the attack was a surprise, as probably was its direction, when it came, camp of a sort was made quickly. From the viewpoint of the crusaders, what is striking is that the battle evolved and was never directed. Although only a fraction of the crusader army was engaged, their advantage in numbers had much to do with their victory – just as it had at Nicaea. For Kilij Arslan seems to have repeated the error made at Nicaea he counted on the enemy panicking under a surprise attack. When they resisted he was drawn into a bloody close-quarter battle in which the crusader footsoldiers in the camp made stiff resistance, partly because of their very numbers. As at Nicaea the appearance of a relief force, in this case one part of which under Adhémar came from an unexpected direction, drove his men from the field. That this was a pell-mell affair with no evidence of overall command (which led to the division in the crusader ranks in the first place) should not be allowed to detract from the quality of the crusader leadership. The army was alert and when the surprise attack came managed to establish a camp which subsequently formed a fortress. Robert of Normandy rallied knights alarmed by the novel methods of the enemy and subsequently he and Bohemond imposed a discipline upon them. The enemy broke into the camp and did much destruction, but the foot evidently fought hard, otherwise the camp which anchored the cavalry in their struggle would have been swept away. All of this suggests a formidable coherence in the crusader army and a considerable will to fight. It must be remembered that the terror which they inspired had served the Turks well in their fights with the Byzantines and others who found their missile tactics difficult to counter. Above all, the sense of isolation created by encirclement panicked large forces time after time. At Dorylaeum some of the knights did panic – those under Bohemond – but they were rallied by Robert of Normandy. Once discipline and solidity of formation was reimposed, partly because they simply couldn’t do anything else pinned against their own tents, the knights found that they could resist – though fairly passively. It was a lesson Nicephorous Botaneiates had learned as a general under Constantine IX during a retreat in the presence of the Patzinacks:

[Botaneiates] ordered his men not to spread out as the rest of the men were seen to be doing and not to turn their backs to the enemy making themselves into a target for Pecheneg arrows. … The Pechenegs on seeing a small group which advanced information and in battle order, made a violent sortie against them. … retired when they saw it was impossible to disperse the Byzantines…. They were unable to engage the Byzantines in hand-to-hand combat for having made a trial of close fighting, they had many times lost a great number of men.

In any case, there was a limit to the losses the Turks were prepared to take. The loss of Nicaea was a blow to the Seljuk Kilij Arslan for like his father he aspired to be something more than a ruler of nomads – hence the acquisition of Nicaea as a capital and the effort to seize Antioch under Sulayman. But he was a lord of nomads and for them murderous casualties were simply not worthwhile before an enemy who could be evaded and whose departure would allow them to return to their pasture-lands. If Albert’s figure of 3,000 is in any way to be believed they had suffered badly enough for their leader’s ambitions. Only once again would they stand and fight – at Heraclea where an ambush was attempted and failed but it seems to have been so feeble that most of the sources do not mention it. But if the Turks were now in no position to check the crusaders, they did not know that and Fulcher says that from this time the army proceeded very carefully, while Albert says they resolved not to break up again. The Turks of Anatolia had been defeated, in so far as that means anything when speaking of a nomadic people who had clearly not been driven out of Asia Minor. Their ruling house had suffered a severe blow. They had lost a capital which gave them prestige, access and control over the emirates of western Asia Minor who were now at the mercy of the Byzantines. It opened the way, as we shall see, for a Byzantine reconquest in western Asia Minor. It was a stunning triumph for the crusaders for hitherto the onward march of the Turks had been unstoppable, as they themselves recognised for, as the Anonymous says, ‘the Turks… thought that they would strike terror into the Franks, as they had done the Arabs and Saracens, Armenians, Syrians and Greeks by the menace of their arrows’.

In part they had been defeated by luck. Kilij Arslan had mistaken the People’s Crusade for the totality of the western effort and had to return from Melitene when they besieged Nicaea. His attack on the Provençals at Nicaea was mistimed, as was that against the vanguard near Bozüyük. But the victors made their own luck. It was their solid resistance that Kilij Arslan underestimated, hence their victory and his defeat. This rested on their manner of war in the west, which called for disciplined close-quarter fighting in which heavily armoured men played a key role. Ultimately, however, they differed from earlier enemies of the Turks by their motivation, their religious fanaticism which underpinned their fighting style. In the crisis of the battle at Dorylaeum that zeal showed in their password, ‘Stand fast altogether, trusting in Christ and in the victory of the Holy Cross. Today, please God, you will all gain much booty’. And so of course they did, and their spoils were much more than merely the pickings of the nomad camp. For the defeat at Dorylaeum seems to have sparked off revolts in some of the cities along the crusader line of march. The Anonymous says that as the Sultan fled he had to trick his way into the cities which his forces then looted. By contrast, the Christian army was welcomed in the vicinity of Iconium and this reception would become even warmer in east. These were truly the fruits of victory, for as a later eastern source commented, ‘The land was shaken before them.’


The battle [ edit ]

After a brutal winter, fighting commenced between the two opposing forces in the spring fighting season. The Battle for the Asio River (modern name, Esino) was the first battle of the season, taking place on the banks of the river. Fighting was bloody with the Optimate infantry advancing and successfully breaking the Populares infantry who were obliged to fall back. As this was happening, the Optimate cavalry commanded by Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus attacked the retreating Populares forces inflicting heavy casualties. Ώ ] ΐ ]


IO SATURNALIA - a story about X-mas

Photo 1: Nativity scene from Napels (photo Howard Hudson)

Our current Christmas of course has everything to do with the birth of Christ 1 . The corresponding expressions of this feast often go much further back and seem based on religions and traditions that even remotely had nothing to do with today's Christianity, not even with the birth of Jesus. The date, December the 25th , would among other things be borrowed from the birthday of the god Mithras, originally from Persian and also born out of a virgin, who, at the time of the birth of Christ was immensely popular in the Roman Empire for already many years (see ' the last Mithras shrine ' ).
The Christmas tree would come from the pagan Mid-winter-festival.

Photo 2: Roman statue of Isis with
Horus (Vatican Museum)

The image of Maria with child is clearly retrieved from the Egyptian goddess Isis with her child the god Horus. The Isis culture was extremely popular in the Roman world. And than we haven't talked about the influences of the topic we like to discuss in this article, the Saturnalia.

How could so many ' pagan ' traditions enter our Christmas experience?
To switch to another religion, in this case to facilitate Christianity, many ' pagan ' customs were not prohibited or eliminated, but implemented with a Christian sauce into the new faith. Temples were not dismantled or destroyed but stripped of pagan symbols and adapted to the new religion, in which many old customs just took place, albeit in a new religious context. This also happened with the Saturnalia, probably the biggest Roman festivals of all. These festivities, originally connected with the Roman god Saturn remained still popular for a very long time in the Christian world. Also from this festival several traditions have survived in our Christmas celebration.

Photo 3: Bust of Janus 2

De Saturnaliën
During the late Kingdom a Festival in honour of the god Saturn was established in Rome, the Saturnalia. The Romans did have some good reasons for honouring this god. Mythological stories told us that Saturn, on the run for Jupiter, had found accommodation in the Kingdom of Janus in Italy. Therefor Janus was punished by Jupiter with two faces. One looking to the past and one watching the future. Janus was also called the god of the passages because every deity had to be called through him.
Saturn learnt the inhabitants of the land of King Janus the art of agriculture, taught them writing and the use of coins. Janus was one and all admiration for Saturn and proposed to govern the Kingdom together. The period under King Saturn was called ' golden years '. Social discrimination, there was not, on the contrary, everyone was equal and people had no private property.

Photo 4: Basrelief of Saturn 3

When Saturn suddenly left Janus took some measures to honour Saturn. So he called the whole country where he was king ‘Saturnia ', built an altar in honour of the god Saturn and made some rituals for the god that he called the Saturnalia.
Janus and Saturn left a great impression on the later population of Italy. The month of January was called after Janus and in the month of December the Saturnalia, the festival in honour of Saturn, took place.
According to Livius 4 the first official Saturnalia coincided with the year in which the Temple of Saturn on the Forum Romanum in Rome was built, December the 17th of the year 497 BC. Henceforth on this day the Saturnalia would be celebrated. From the beginning the temple was used also as an archive for social security legislation and international agreements. Also the Treasury was kept there because it was said that during the reign of King Saturn no theft was committed, because no one had private property.

Photo 5: The remaining columns of the temple of Saturn at the Forum Romanum in Rome 5

In the temple stood a statue of an old man with the head covered. In his hand he held a scythe, the symbol of Saturn (see photo 4). The feet of the statue were tied together with a woollen thread that was loosened during the Saturnalia so that also the god himself could join the festivities. It was a public holiday in which everyone could participate. The schools gave this day off, courts were closed, convictions were delayed and it was also strictly prohibited to start a war during the festival. In other words: the whole public life was quiet. Anyone got the opportunity to celebrate the festival and this made the Saturnalia one of the most popular events among the population. The festivities were originally only on December 17, but later on extended till December 23. Of course it was held to honour Saturn, but also to celebrate the end of the agricultural year.

Photo 6: Statues of the dioscuri wearing a pileus 6

In the morning, the men rose early to go bathing. The dress was also different in comparison with other holidays: the stiff gown remained in the closet and instead the Roman citizens wore loose, easy robes. One wore a pileus on the head, a hat that symbolized freedom the symbol of a freedman. After bathing everyone went in the direction of the forum to the Temple of Saturn, where sacrifices were carried out in honour of the god. During the sacrifice, according to a retrieved Greek use the Romans uncovered their heads. Normally during religious rituals the head was covered with the gown, but on the Saturnalia the Romans believed that no bad omen could interrupt the festivities.

Photo 7: An eightteen century depiction of the Saturnalia by Antoine Callet 7

After the sacrificial ceremonies there was an official banquet outside the temple. After that most people left the forum wishing each other ' Io Saturnalia ' and went home to continue the party. This often resulted in excessive drinking and festive meals, making the word saturnalia in Latin synonymous to ' orgy '. One of the costumes was the election of a ' King of the Saturnalia’, an ordinary man from the street who gave orders to everyone, lord or peasant. Also small gifts, known as sigillaria, were exchanged.

Photo 9: Terracotta gift 9 Photo 8: Terracotta gift 8

Traditionally this were candles, earthen masks or puppets. This was related to a story about Hercules and the population living originally at the foot of the Capitol hill. An oracle had told them to sacrifice each year a number of human heads and meale bodies in honour of Saturn. When Hercules heard what kind of cruelties were committed, he interfered. He suggested to replace the human heads by earthen dolls and human sacrifices by candles. Thus started the tradition of giving presents to the host if one was invited for dinner or to people who, for one reason or another, earned to receive a present.
One of the most striking customs of the Saturnalia was the changin of the roles: slave became master and master became slave. During the meal, the slaves were served by their masters. Also during the game of dice, which was normally prohibited, but for the occasion admitted and lord and servant played on equal footing. This gesture had to remember the “Golden Years” under Saturn in which there was no distinction made between the people. It was a chance for the master to thank their servants for the work done.
Later on, when the Roman Empire accepted Christianity as the only permissible faith, the Saturnalia were adopted by the Christians. And that brings us to Christmas.

Photo 10: David Teniers. The King of Misrule (1634 -1640) 10

The Saturnalia Aad X-mas
The feast of Saturnalia, originally connected with the Roman god Saturn, still remained the most popular folk festival for a long time. Also inside the Christian world. Pope Julius I (337-352) wanted to change this and came up with the following solution:
Although the exact date of the birth of Jesus was unknown, Pope Julius declared that it had to be celebrated officially on December the 25th, around the time of the festival of the Saturnalia. Most likely he wanted to create a Christian alternative for the still huge popular Saturnalia.
A second reason was the fact that the Roman Emperor Aurelian in 274 had declared the 25th of December to the feast of another Roman deity, the Sol Invictus (the invincible Sun). Julius I opined that he, by connecting those events together, could convert more people to Christianity. On top of that, he probably was influenced by the prevalent idea that Jesus had died on the same day as the conception of Mary. Jesus died during the Jewish Passover that was celebrated in the third century on the 25th of March. Therefore, Jesus had to be born, 9 months later on the 25th of December. So from that moment on Christmas fell on December the 25th while maintaining a large part of the customs that came with the Saturnalia celebrations.
During the middle ages Christmas was especially a celebration of drinking, gambling and overeating. The expression io saturnalia continued for many centuries the official Christmas greetings. In France, England and Switzerland the ' King of the Saturnalia ' still lived on for a long time under the name of ' King of the Misrule’. In many countries it was a habit to declare the one who found the bean or coin in a bread or cake to the King of that day. The habit of giving gifts reflects the Roman tradition of sigillaria and lighting of advent or Christmas candles is a reminiscent of the Roman use of torches and wax candles and, as has been said already, both Saturnalia and Christmas are strongly associated with eating, drinking, singing and dancing.


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