Inligting

Slag van Cephisusrivier, ongeveer 352 vC


Slag van Cephisusrivier, ongeveer 352 vC

Die slag van die Cephisusrivier (c.352) was die tweede in 'n reeks nederlae wat die Phociaanse leier Phayllus gely het tydens 'n mislukte inval in Boeotia (Derde Heilige Oorlog).

Phayllus het die Phociaanse leier geword nadat sy broer Onomarchus tydens die slag van die Crocus Field in Thessalië (353 v.C.) vermoor is. Byna die helfte van die Phociaanse leër is in daardie geveg vernietig, maar Phayllus kon gou nuwe troepe werf. Hy is ook gehelp deur die aankoms van 2 000 man onder die verslane tiranne van Pherae en troepe wat deur sy bondgenote gestuur is (1 000 van Sparta, 2 000 van Achaea en 5 000 infanterie en 400 kavallerie uit Athene).

Phayllus het sy nuwe leër gebruik om 'n onsuksesvolle inval in Boeotia uit te voer. Sy eerste doelwit was die stad Orchomenus, maar hy het 'n nederlaag in die geveg naby die stad gely.

Daarna volg 'n duur nederlaag op die Cephisusrivier. Diodorus verskaf geen besonderhede van die geveg self nie, maar meld die verliese van Phocia as 500 dooies en 400 gevangenes.

Die Cephisus -rivier styg op die noordelike hange van die berg Parnassus, vloei dan ooswaarts in die Copais -meer en vandaar oor Boeotia, voordat hy noordwaarts draai om by die see uit te kom. Diodorus sê nie by watter deel van die rivier die geveg gevoer is nie, maar hy meld 'n derde geveg 'n paar dae later by Coroneia. Dit kan daarop dui dat die Phocians na die nederlaag by Orchomenus ooswaarts langs die noordelike oewers van die Copais -meer beweeg het, hul tweede nederlaag op die stuk rivier tussen die meer en die see gely het en daarna probeer het om huiswaarts te keer langs die suidekant van die Lake, waar hulle hul derde nederlaag gely het.


Konstantyn die Grote

Konstantyn I (Latyn: Flavius ​​Valerius Constantinus Grieks: Κωνσταντῖνος, deurlig. Kōnstantînos 27 Februarie c. 272 - 22 Mei 337), ook bekend as Konstantyn die Grote, was Romeinse keiser van 306 tot 337. Gebore in Naissus, Dacia Mediterranea (nou Niš, Serwië), was hy die seun van Flavius ​​Constantius, 'n Romeinse weermagoffisier gebore in Dardania, wat een van die vier keisers van die Tetrarchie geword het. Sy ma, Helena, was Grieks en van lae geboorte. Konstantyn het met onderskeiding gedien onder keisers Diocletianus en Galerius, terwyl hy in die oostelike provinsies teen barbare en die Perse veldtog gevoer het, voordat hy in 305 na die weste teruggeroep is om onder sy vader in Brittanje te veg. Na sy pa se dood in 306, word Konstantyn deur die leër in Eboracum (York) as keiser bekroon. Hy het as oorwinnaars uit die stryd getree in die burgeroorloë teen keisers Maxentius en Licinius om teen 324 die enigste heerser van die Romeinse Ryk te word.

As keiser het Konstantyn administratiewe, finansiële, sosiale en militêre hervormings uitgevoer om die ryk te versterk. Hy herstruktureer die regering en skei burgerlike en militêre owerhede. Om inflasie te bekamp, ​​het hy die solidus bekendgestel, 'n nuwe goue muntstuk wat meer as duisend jaar lank die standaard geword het vir Bisantynse en Europese geldeenhede. Die Romeinse leër is herorganiseer om te bestaan ​​uit mobiele eenhede (komitees) en garnisoenstroepe (limitanei) wat interne bedreigings en barbaarse invalle kan bestry. Konstantyn het suksesvolle veldtogte gevoer teen die stamme aan die Romeinse grense - die Franken, die Alamanni, die Gote en die Sarmatiërs - selfs die hervestiging van gebiede wat sy voorgangers tydens die krisis van die derde eeu verlaat het.

Konstantyn was die eerste Romeinse keiser wat hom tot die Christendom bekeer het. [aantekeninge 2] Hoewel hy 'n groot deel van sy lewe as 'n heiden geleef het, en later as 'n kategumen, begin hy die Christendom begunstig vanaf 312, uiteindelik word hy 'n Christen en word hy gedoop deur óf Eusebius van Nicomedia, 'n Ariaanse biskop, of pous Sylvester I, wat onderhou word deur die Katolieke Kerk en die Koptiese Ortodokse Kerk. Hy het 'n invloedryke rol gespeel in die afkondiging van die Edik van Milaan in 313, wat verdraagsaamheid vir die Christendom in die Romeinse Ryk verklaar het. Hy het die Eerste Raad van Nicaea in 325 opgeroep, wat die verklaring van die Christelike geloof bekend gemaak het, bekend as die Nicene Creed. [8] Die Kerk van die Heilige Graf is op sy bevel gebou op die beweerde plek van Jesus se graf in Jerusalem en het die heiligste plek in die Christendom geword. Die pouslike aanspraak op tydelike mag in die hoë Middeleeue was gebaseer op die vervaardigde skenking van Konstantyn. Histories word daar na hom verwys as die 'Eerste Christelike Keiser' en hy het die Christelike Kerk wel bevoordeel. Terwyl sommige moderne geleerdes sy oortuigings en selfs sy begrip van die Christendom betwis, word hy [aantekeninge 3] vereer as 'n heilige in die Oos -Christendom.

Die tydperk van Konstantyn was 'n duidelike tydperk in die geskiedenis van die Romeinse Ryk. [11] Hy bou 'n nuwe keiserlike woning in Bisantium en hernoem die stad Konstantinopel (nou Istanbul) na homself (die lofwaardige bynaam van "New Rome" het in sy tyd verskyn en was nooit 'n amptelike titel nie). Dit het daarna meer as 'n duisend jaar die hoofstad van die Ryk geword, waarna die latere Oos -Romeinse Ryk die Bisantynse Ryk deur moderne historici. Sy meer onmiddellike politieke nalatenskap was dat hy Diocletianus se Tetrarchy vervang het met die de facto beginsel van dinastiese opvolging, deur die ryk aan sy seuns en ander lede van die Konstantynse dinastie oor te laat. Sy reputasie het floreer gedurende die leeftyd van sy kinders en eeue na sy bewind. Die Middeleeuse kerk het hom as 'n toonbeeld van deug gehou, terwyl sekulêre heersers hom as prototipe, 'n verwysingspunt en die simbool van imperiale legitimiteit en identiteit beroep het. [12] Vanaf die Renaissance was daar meer kritiese beoordeling van sy regering as gevolg van die herontdekking van anti-Konstantynse bronne. Tendense in moderne en onlangse geleerdheid het gepoog om die uiterste van vorige studie te balanseer.


Die Slag van Thermopylae

Inleiding
Die inval in Griekeland deur Xerxes is die onderwerp van die groot geskiedenis wat in nege boeke deur Herodotus geskryf is. Sy doel is om die vooroordeel te toon van Griekeland, wie se vloot en leërs die magte van die Perse verslaan het nadat laasgenoemde oor die magtigste nasies van die aarde geseëvier het. Xerxes versamel 'n groot leër uit alle dele van die ryk. Die Feniciërs voorsien hom van 'n enorme vloot, en hy maak 'n brug van 'n dubbele lyn bote oor die Hellespont en sny 'n kanaal deur die skiereiland van die berg Athos. Hy bereik Sardis in die herfs van v.C. 481, en die volgende jaar het sy leër die bootbrug oorgesteek en sewe dae en sewe nagte geneem vir die deurreis. Die getal van sy vegmanne was meer as twee miljoen en 'n half. Sy oorlogskepe was twaalf honderd en sewe in getal, en hy het drie duisend kleiner skepe om sy landmagte en voorrade te vervoer. By die smal pas van Thermopylæ, in die noordooste van Griekeland, is hierdie ontsaglike leër 'n rukkie nagegaan deur die heldhaftige Leonidas en sy driehonderd Spartane, wat egter omgekom het in hul poging om die aanval van die Pers op Athene, wat die stad is byna heeltemal vernietig deur die indringers. Die seegeveg van Salamis is deur die Grieke gewen teen enorme kanse en in die slag van Platæa, v.C. In 479 word die nederlaag van die Perse deur die Griekse landmagte vollediger gemaak deur die dood van Mardonius, die bekendste generaal van Xerxes.

Hierdie keuse is deur Herodotus. Dit is 'n spesiale reeks van Herodotus. Klik hier vir die eerste boeke van Herodotus.

Tyd: 480 vC
Plek: Thermoplae

Die Grieke, toe hulle by die landpalm aankom, het geraadpleeg oor die boodskap wat hulle van Alexander ontvang het, op watter manier en op watter plekke hulle die oorlog moes vervolg. Die mening wat gegeld het, was dat hulle die pas by Thermopylæ moes verdedig, want dit blyk nouer te wees as in Thessalië, en terselfdertyd nader aan hul eie gebiede vir die pad waarop die Grieke wat later in Thermopylæ geneem is, verras was, hulle het niks daarvan geweet nie, totdat hulle by die aankoms by Thermopylæ daarvan in kennis gestel is deur die Trachiniërs. Hulle het gevolglik besluit om hierdie pas te bewaak en nie toegelaat dat die barbaar Griekeland binnegaan nie en dat die vlootmag na Artemisium, op die gebied van Histiæotis, moet vaar, want hierdie plekke is naby mekaar, sodat hulle kan hoor wat met mekaar gebeur het. . Hierdie plekke is dus geleë.

In die eerste plek word Artemisium van 'n wye ruimte van die Thraciese see tot 'n smal skuinslyn, wat tussen die eiland Sciathus en die vasteland van Magnesia lê, saamgetrek. Vanaf die nou rand begin die kus van Euboea, Artemisium genoem, en daarin is 'n tempel van Diana. Maar die ingang na Griekeland deur Trachis, in die smalste deel, is nie meer as 'n half _ breedte nie; die smalste deel van die land is egter nie op hierdie plek nie, maar voor en agter Thermopylæ vir naby Alpeni, wat agter is, daar is slegs 'n enkele rypad, en voor, by die rivier Phoenix, naby die stad Anthela, is nog 'n enkele rypad. Aan die westekant van Thermopylæ is 'n ontoeganklike en steil berg wat strek tot by die berg Oeta, en aan die oostekant van die pad is die see en 'n moeras. In hierdie gedeelte is daar warm baddens, wat die inwoners noem “Chytri, ” en hierbo is 'n altaar vir Hercules. 'N Muur is in hierdie pas gebou, en voorheen was daar hekke daarin. Die Fosiane het dit opgebou uit vrees, toe die Thessaliërs uit Thesprotia kom om hulle te vestig in die Eoliese gebied wat hulle nou besit: omdat hulle vasgekeer het dat die Thessaliërs sou probeer om hulle te onderwerp, neem die Fosiane terselfdertyd hierdie voorsorgmaatreël, en stuur die warm water na die ingang, sodat die plek in splete ingebreek kan word, met die nodige middele om te voorkom dat die Thessaliërs hul land binnedring. Hierdie ou muur was lankal gebou, en die grootste deel daarvan was al deur die eeue verval, maar hulle was vasbeslote om dit weer op te bou en op daardie plek die barbaar uit Griekeland af te weer. Baie naby hierdie pad is daar 'n dorpie met die naam Alpeni, waarvan die Grieke verwag het om voedsel te kry.

Gevolglik lyk hierdie situasies geskik vir die Grieke, omdat hulle alles vooraf geweeg het en van mening was dat die barbare nie hul getalle of hul kavalerie sou kon gebruik nie, maar het besluit om die invaller van Griekeland af te wag. Sodra hulle in kennis gestel is dat die Pers in Pieria is, breek hulle van die land af, en sommige van hulle reis landmatig na Thermopylae, en ander oor die see na Artemisium.

Die Grieke is dus in twee afdelings aangestel en het haastig die vyand tegemoetgegaan, maar terselfdertyd het die Delphiërs vir hulself en vir Griekeland bekommerd geraak, die orakel geraadpleeg, en die antwoord was dat hulle moes bid vir die winde, daarvoor sou hulle kragtige bondgenote van Griekeland wees. ”

Die Delphiërs, nadat hulle die orakel ontvang het, het eers die antwoord oorgedra aan die Grieke wat ywerig was om vry te wees en omdat hulle baie bang was vir die barbare, deur die boodskap te gee, verkry hulle aanspraak op ewige dankbaarheid. Daarna het die Delphiërs 'n altaar vir die winde in Thyia opgerig, waar 'n omhulsel toegewy is aan Thyia, die dogter van Cephisus, van wie hierdie distrik sy naam ontleen, en hulle versoen met offers en die Delphiërs, in gehoorsaamheid aan die orakel, tot vandag toe versag die winde.

Die vlootmag van Xerxes, wat uit die stad Therma vertrek het, het gevorder met tien van die vinnigste seilskepe reguit na Scyathus, waar drie Griekse skepe 'n uitkykpunt gehou het: 'n Troezeniër, 'n Æginetan en 'n Atener. die skepe van die barbare op 'n afstand, het hulself gevlug.

Die Troezeniaanse skip, wat Praxinus beveel het, het die barbare agtervolg en gou gevang, en nadat hulle die mooiste mariniers na die skip gelei het, het hulle hom doodgemaak, en dit was 'n goeie teken dat die eerste Griek wat hulle geneem het, ook baie aantreklik. Die naam van die man wat vermoor is, was Leon, en miskien het hy die vrugte van sy naam gepluk.

Die skip Æginetan, wat Asonides beveel het, het hulle moeilikheid gegee Pytheas, seun van Ischenous, was 'n seeman aan boord, 'n man wat op hierdie dag die mees volmaakte dapperheid vertoon het wat, toe die skip geneem is, aanhou veg het totdat hy heeltemal gesny is stukkend. Maar toe hy val (hy was nie dood nie, maar nog steeds asemgehaal), was die Perse wat aan boord van die skepe was, baie gretig om hom lewend te red, vanweë sy dapperheid, en sy wonde met mirre genees en hulle verbind met verbindings van vlasdoek en toe hulle terugkeer na hul eie kamp, ​​wys hulle hom met bewondering vir die hele leër en behandel hom goed, maar die ander wat hulle in hierdie skip geneem het, het hulle as slawe behandel.

Ons wil hierdie webwerf na die volgende vlak neem, maar ons benodig geld daarvoor. Dra asseblief direk by deur aan te meld by https://www.patreon.com/history

Sommige keuses uit die geskiedenis wat voor 2012 geplaas is, moet opgedateer word om aan die kwaliteitstandaarde van HM te voldoen. Dit hou verband met: (1) skakels na eksterne bronne vir moderne, bykomende inligting (2) grafika (3) navigasie -skakels en (4) ander aanbiedingsvraagstukke. Die leser word verseker dat die materiaal van die skrywer getrou weergegee word in alle berigte van History Moments.


Kompos in antieke Egipte, Griekeland en Rome

Die bevrugtingspraktyk het voortgegaan deur verskeie beskawings.

Die Romeine, Grieke en Egiptenare het lande op verskeie maniere bemes.

Hulle het mis direk op die lande versprei, afval op misheuwels versamel en kompos en mis en met urine geweekte strooi gebruik.

Dit lyk asof Cleopatra beslis belang gestel het in die vrugbaarheid van die land as dit nie in kompos was nie.

Soos ons opgemerk het in ons Fascinating Compost Facts -artikel, het die Egiptiese Koningin wette opgestel om erdwurms te beskerm en die uitvoer van wurms verbied onder die dood.

Die Griekse kryger, filosoof en skrywer Xenophon het ook die gebruik van mis in sy Oeconomicus bespreek. Hy het boere aangeraai om onkruid bymekaar te maak en hulle in die water te laat vrot om 'n mis te skep om die lande 'bly te maak'.

Hy het ook uitgebrei oor die voordele van groen mis, wat daarop dui dat boere 'n gewas verbou om in die veld te ploeg en die grond te verryk.

Cato die Ouere, 'n Romeinse senator, historikus en soldaat het baie te sê oor mis in sy De Agricultura. Een van sy vele gedeeltes oor vrugbaarheid het boere aangeraai om:

Let op dat u 'n groot kuil het om die mis versigtig te bespaar, en as u dit uitbring, maak dit skoon van vreemde stowwe en breek dit op. Herfs is die tyd om dit uit te haal. Gedurende die herfs grawe ook slote om die olyfbome en mis dit.

Op 'n grimmiger noot het die ou mense ook bewus geword van hoe bloed, vlees en been wat uit oorloë oorgebly het, plante baat.

Hulle sê dat die grond, nadat die liggame verrot het en die winterreën geval het, so bemes en versadig was met die verontreinigde materiaal wat daarin gesink het, dat dit die volgende seisoen 'n ongewone gewas opgelewer het.


Inhoud

Taalwetenskap professor R. S. P. Beekes het 'n voor-Griekse oorsprong en 'n verband met die wortel van die woord voorgestel sophos (σοφός, "wys"). [3] Die Duitse mitograaf Otto Gruppe het gedink dat die naam vandaan kom sisys (σίσυς, "'n bokvel"), met verwysing na 'n reën-sjarme waarin bokke se velle gebruik is. [4]

Sisyphus was die seun van koning Aeolus van Thessalië en Enarete [5] en die broer van Salmoneus. Hy trou met die Pleiad Merope deur wie hy die vader geword het van Glaucus, Ornytion, Thersander, Almus, Sinon en Porphyrion. [6] Sisyphus was die grootvader van Bellerophon deur Glaucus, [7] [8] en Minyas, stigter van Orchomenus, deur Almus. [6]

Reign Edit

Sisifos was die stigter en eerste koning van Ephyra (vermoedelik die oorspronklike naam van Korinte). [7] Koning Sisifos het navigasie en handel bevorder, maar was ywerig en bedrieglik. Hy vermoor gaste en reisigers in sy paleis, 'n skending van xenia, wat onder Zeus se domein geval het, en sodoende die god woedend gemaak het. Hy het behae in hierdie moorde gevind, omdat dit hom in staat gestel het om sy ysterhand te beheer.

Konflik met Salmoneus Edit

Dit was bekend dat Sisyphus en sy broer Salmoneus mekaar haat, en Sisyphus het die orakel van Delphi geraadpleeg oor hoe om Salmoneus dood te maak sonder om ernstige gevolge vir homself te hê. Vanaf Homeros was Sisyphus bekend as die slimste mense. Hy verlei Salmoneus se dogter Tyro in een van sy planne om Salmoneus te vermoor, net sodat Tyro die kinders wat sy vir hom gebaar het, vermoor het toe sy ontdek dat Sisyphus van plan was om dit uiteindelik te gebruik om haar pa te onttroon.

Bedrieglike dood Redigeer

Sisyphus het een van Zeus se geheime verraai deur die verblyfplek van die Asopid Aegina aan haar vader, die riviergod Asopus, te onthul in ruil daarvoor dat 'n fontein op die Akropolis van Korinte laat vloei het. [7]

Zeus het Thanatos toe beveel om Sisyphus in Tartarus te ketting. Sisyphus was nuuskierig waarom Charon, wie se taak dit was om siele na die onderwêreld te lei, nie by hierdie geleentheid verskyn het nie. Sisyphus het Thanatos skelm gevra om te demonstreer hoe die kettings werk. Terwyl Thanatos hom sy wens vervul, het Sisyphus die geleentheid aangegryp en Thanatos in die kettings vasgekeer. Toe Thanatos eers deur die sterk kettings gebind is, sterf niemand op aarde nie. Dit het 'n opskudding veroorsaak en Ares was vererg dat sy gevegte hul plesier verloor het omdat sy teenstanders nie sou sterf nie. Die ontstoke Ares het Thanatos bevry en Sisifos na hom oorgegee. [9]

In sommige weergawes is Hades na die ketting Sisyphus gestuur en self vasgeketting. Solank Hades vasgemaak was, kon niemand sterf nie. As gevolg hiervan kon daar nie aan die gode opgeoffer word nie, en die wat oud en siek was, ly. Die gode dreig uiteindelik om die lewe vir Sisyphus so ellendig te maak dat hy sou wens dat hy dood is. Hy het toe geen ander keuse gehad as om Hades vry te laat nie. [10]

Voordat Sisifos gesterf het, het hy sy vrou aangesê om sy naakte liggaam in die middel van die openbare plein te gooi (na bewering 'n bewys van sy vrou se liefde vir hom). Dit het veroorsaak dat Sisyphus aan die oewer van die rivier die Styx beland het. Toe kla Sisyphus haar by Persephone, die godin van die onderwêreld, dat dit 'n teken is van sy vrou se oneerbiedigheid vir hom, om hom toe te laat om na die boonste wêreld terug te keer. Toe sy terug in Ephyra was, het die gees van Sisyphus sy vrou uitgeskel omdat sy nie sy liggaam begrawe het nie en dit 'n behoorlike begrafnis gegee het soos 'n liefdevolle vrou dit moes doen. Toe Sisifos weier om na die onderwêreld terug te keer, is hy met geweld deur Hermes daarheen teruggesleep. [11] [12] In 'n ander weergawe van die mite is Persephone deur Sisyphus mislei dat hy per ongeluk na Tartarus gelei is, en daarom beveel sy dat hy vrygelaat moet word. [13]

In Filoktetes deur Sofokles, verwys daar na die vader van Odysseus (volgens gerugte dat dit Sisifos was, en nie Laërtes nie, wat ons ken as die vader in die Odyssee) nadat hy uit die dood teruggekeer het. Euripides, in Cyclops, identifiseer Sisyphus ook as Odysseus se vader.

Straf in die onderwêreld Redigeer

As 'n straf vir sy bedrog het Hades Sisyphus 'n enorme rots laat eindig teen 'n steil heuwel. [7] [14] [15] Die kranksinnige aard van die straf was vir Sisifos voorbehou vanweë sy hubristiese oortuiging dat sy slimheid dié van Zeus self oortref het. Hades vertoon dienooreenkomstig sy eie slimheid deur die rots te betower om van Sisyphus weg te rol voordat hy die top bereik het, wat Sisyphus tot 'n ewigheid van nuttelose pogings en eindelose frustrasie besorg het. So het dit gebeur dat nuttelose of eindelose aktiwiteite soms beskryf word as Sisifies. Sisifos was 'n algemene onderwerp vir antieke skrywers en is deur die skilder Polygnotus op die mure van die Lesche by Delphi uitgebeeld. [16]

Volgens die sonteorie is koning Sisifos die sonskyf wat elke dag in die ooste opkom en dan in die weste sink. [17] Ander geleerdes beskou hom as 'n verpersoonliking van golwe wat styg en daal, of van die verraderlike see. [17] Die Epikuriese filosoof Lucretius in die 1ste eeu v.C. interpreteer die mite van Sisifos as 'n verpersoonliking van politici wat voortdurend verslaan word, en die soeke na mag, op sigself 'n 'leë ding', word vergelyk met die rol van die rots heuwel. [18] Friedrich Welcker het voorgestel dat hy die ydel stryd van die mens in die soeke na kennis simboliseer, en Salomon Reinach [19] dat sy straf gebaseer is op 'n prentjie waarin Sisyphus voorgestel word om 'n groot klip te rol, Acrocorinthus, simbolies van die arbeid en vaardigheid betrokke by die bou van die Sisypheum. Albert Camus, in sy opstel van 1942 Die mite van Sisifos, beskou Sisyphus as die verpersoonliking van die absurditeit van die menslike lewe, maar Camus kom tot die gevolgtrekking: ''n mens moet Sisyphus gelukkig voorstel' as 'Die stryd self om die hoogtes is genoeg om 'n man se hart te vul'. Meer onlangs spekuleer J. Nigro Sansonese, [20] wat voortbou op die werk van Georges Dumézil, dat die oorsprong van die naam "Sisyphus" onomatopeties is van die voortdurende heen en weer, opwindende klank ("siss phuss") gemaak deur die asem in die neusgange, wat die mitologie van Sisyphus in 'n veel groter konteks van argaïese (sien Proto-Indo-Europese godsdiens) transaksie-induserende tegnieke met betrekking tot asembeheer plaas. Die herhalende inasem -uitasemingsiklus word in die mite esoteries beskryf as 'n opwaartse beweging van Sisifos en sy rots op 'n heuwel.

In eksperimente wat toets hoe werkers reageer wanneer die betekenis van hul taak verminder word, word die toetstoestand die Sisifusiese toestand genoem. Die twee belangrikste gevolgtrekkings van die eksperiment is dat mense harder werk as hul werk meer betekenisvol lyk, en dat mense die verband tussen betekenis en motivering onderskat. [21]

In sy boek Die filosofie van rekursiewe denke, [22] Die Duitse skrywer Manfred Kopfer het 'n lewensvatbare oplossing vir Sisyphus se straf voorgestel. Elke keer as Sisyphus die top van die berg bereik, breek hy 'n klip van die berg af en dra dit af na die laagste punt. Op hierdie manier word die berg uiteindelik gelykgemaak en kan die klip nie meer afrol nie. In die interpretasie van Kopfers verander die oplossing die straf deur die gode in 'n toets vir Sisyphus om sy waardigheid vir goddelike dade te bewys. As Sisifos in staat is 'om 'n berg te beweeg', sal hy toegelaat word om te doen wat andersins slegs gode geregtig is om te doen.

Literêre interpretasies Redigeer

Homerus beskryf Sisyphus in beide boek VI van die Ilias en Boek XI van die Odyssee. [8] [15]

Ovidius, die Romeinse digter, verwys na Sisifos in die verhaal van Orpheus en Eurydice. As Orpheus neerdaal en Hades en Persephone konfronteer, sing hy 'n liedjie sodat hulle sy wens kan vervul om Eurydice uit die dood terug te bring. Nadat hierdie lied gesing is, toon Ovidius hoe ontroerend dit was deur op te let dat Sisyphus, emosioneel geraak, net 'n oomblik sy ewige taak stop en op sy rots sit, die Latynse bewoording inque tuo sedisti, Sisyphe, saxo ("en jy sit, Sisyphus, op jou rots"). [23]

In Plato's Verskoning, Sokrates sien uit na die hiernamaals waar hy figure soos Sisyphus kan ontmoet, wat hulself wys dink, sodat hy hulle kan bevraagteken en kan vind wie wys is en wie 'dink hy is wanneer hy nie is nie' [24]

Albert Camus, die Franse absurdis, het 'n opstel getiteld geskryf Die mite van Sisifos, waarin hy Sisifos tot die status van absurde held verhef. Franz Kafka het herhaaldelik na Sisyphus verwys as 'n bachelor Kafkaesque, want die eienskappe wat die Sisyphus-agtige eienskappe in homself na vore gebring het, was vir hom. Volgens Frederick Karl: "Die man wat gesukkel het om die hoogtes te bereik, net om tot in die dieptes neergegooi te word, beliggaam al Kafka se strewe en hy bly alleen, alleen." [25] Die filosoof Richard Taylor gebruik die mite van Sisyphus as 'n voorstelling van 'n betekenislose lewe omdat dit uit blote herhaling bestaan. [26]

Wolfgang Mieder het tekenprente versamel wat voortbou op die beeld van Sisyphus, baie van hulle redaksionele tekenprente. [27]


Slag van Cephisusrivier, c.352 vC - Geskiedenis

Geskiedenis van Athene
Geboorteplek van demokrasie


Athene is gebou in die vlaktes van Attika tussen die Parnitha-, Penteli- en Hymettosberge en naby die Saroniese Golf. Die belangrike geografiese ligging en sy milde klimaat was eeue lank die belangrikste redes waarom mense verkies om hier te woon. Gedurende haar baie lang geskiedenis het Athene 'n briljante beskawing gelewer, sowel as 'n bydrae van onskatbare waarde tot die wêreld se erfenis.

Tans het Athene, met sy vyf miljoen inwoners, alle kenmerke van 'n moderne metropool, maar dit het sy unieke antieke atmosfeer behou, 'n atmosfeer wat weerspieël in die Atheners en hul lewenswyse. Athene volg die veranderinge van die 21e eeu en dit het sy ritme vinniger gemaak, maar dit het altyd seker gemaak dat die herinneringe aan sy waardevolle verlede bewaar word.

Die eerste keer dat besoekers aan Athene verskeur word tussen die oorblyfsels van die ou en die van die nuwe wêreld, tussen die gode en die winkels van Plaka, tussen die ou kuns en die groen bedekte terrasse. Terugkerende besoekers geniet albei wêrelde, net soos die Atheners self. Athene het baie te bied en nog meer om te geniet.


Die geboorteplek van die konsep van demokrasie

Dit is moeilik om te dink dat die konsep van demokrasie 2500 jaar gelede aan die voet van die Akropolis in Athene gebore is. Hierdie eerste soort demokrasie het ontwikkel tot die huidige demokrasie soos ons dit nou ken. Dit is nog moeiliker om te dink dat die antieke agora destyds 'n parlement, 'n stadsaal, 'n hof, 'n gevangenis, tempels, restaurante, vergaderlokale, skole, sakeondernemings, wette, feeste, sportbyeenkomste, ens.

Neem die tyd om die antieke agora te besoek, om te loop op die Panathenaïese pad vol standbeelde. Besoek die volledig opgeknapte Stoa van Attallos en sy museum. Dit bevat 'n merkwaardige versameling wat u sal wil sien. Soek die altaar van Zeus Phratrios en die standbeeld van Hadrianus, en onthou dat u in die geboorteplek van die konsep van demokrasie staan.

Aan die voet van die Akropolis. Ingang: Adrianou straat.


Stap met geskiedenis

Sê & quotAthens & quot en mense sal & quot; Die Akropolis & quot.

Ja, natuurlik, u moet Athene nie verlaat sonder om die Akropolis met sy wonderlike Parthenon, Erechteion, Tempel van Athena ens te besoek nie, maar Athene het nog baie meer te bied. Die Ancient and the Roman Agora, Plaka, die romantiese Anafiotika -gebied, die Panathenaic Stadium, Lykavittos en Philopappou Hill, die tientalle museums, Psirri, Syntagma, Monastiraki, ens. Daar is baie om te sien in Athene en dit is die moeite werd om dit te sien. .

Met elke hoek wat u draai, sal Athene u verras met sy geskiedenis en sy spesiale atmosfeer. Athene is 'n glimlag om van te geniet.

Die geskiedenis van Athene is die langste van enige stad in Europa: Athene word al minstens 3000 jaar lank bewoon. Dit het in die eerste millennium vC die voorste stad van Antieke Griekeland geword. Sy kulturele prestasies gedurende die 5de eeu vC het die grondslag gelê van die westerse beskawing. Gedurende die Middeleeue het Athene agteruitgang beleef en daarna herstel onder die Bisantynse Ryk. Athene was betreklik welvarend tydens die kruistogte en het voordeel getrek uit Italiaanse handel. Na 'n lang tydperk van agteruitgang onder die bewind van die Ottomaanse Ryk, het Athene in die 19de eeu weer na vore gekom as die hoofstad van die onafhanklike Griekse staat.

Die naam van Athene in antieke Grieks was Athenai (uitgespreek ongeveer At-he-na). Dit is 'n meervoudsvorm: die stad is genoem (in wat in Engels vertaal sou word) "The Athenses", aangesien dit oorspronklik 'n groep dorpe was wat saamgevoeg het tot 'n stad. Die naam het geen definitiewe etimologie in Grieks nie. Die Grieke het geglo dat die stad vernoem is na sy beskermster, die godin Athena, maar dit is net so moontlik dat die godin haar naam van die stad neem.

Die begin van die geskiedenis van Athene gaan verlore in tyd en legendes. Daar word aanvaar dat dit sy geskiedenis begin het as 'n neolitiese heuwelfort bo-op die Akropolis (& quothigh city & quot), 'n tyd in die derde millennium vC. Die Akropolis is 'n natuurlike verdedigingsposisie wat die omliggende vlaktes beheer. Die nedersetting was ongeveer 8 kilometer die binneland in van die Saroniese Golf, in die middel van die Cephisian Plain, 'n vrugbare vlakte omring deur heuwels.

Athene word beskerm deur 'n bergring: Hymittos, Aegaleo, Penteli en Parnitha. In antieke tye het die rivier Cephisus deur die stad gevloei. Antieke Athene beslaan 'n baie klein gebied in vergelyking met die uitgestrekte metropool van die moderne Athene. Die ommuurde antieke stad beslaan 'n gebied van ongeveer 2 kilometer van oos na wes en effens minder as van noord na suid, hoewel die stad op sy hoogtepunt voorstede gehad het wat ver buite hierdie mure strek.

Die Akropolis was net suid van die middel van hierdie ommuurde gebied. Die Agora, die kommersiële en sosiale sentrum van die stad, was ongeveer 400 meter noord van die Akropolis, in die huidige distrik Monastiraki. Die heuwel van die Pnyx, waar die Atheense Vergadering vergader het, lê aan die westelike punt van die stad.

Een van die belangrikste godsdienstige plekke in Athene was die tempel van Athena, bekend as die Parthenon, wat bo -op die Akropolis gestaan ​​het. Twee ander groot godsdienstige plekke, die Tempel van Hephaestus (wat nog grootliks ongeskonde is) en die Tempel van die Olympiese Zeus of Olympeion (eens die grootste tempel in Griekeland, maar nou in puin) lê ook binne die stadsmure.

Die belangrikste godsdienstige plek was egter die Erechteion, vernoem na 'n legendariese Atheense koning. Dit word as die belangrikste beskou, godsdienstig, aangesien dit baie heilige heiligdomme bevat het. Langs dit is die legendariese olyfboom wat Athene self geplant het om die toewyding van die Atheense volk te wen.

Op sy hoogtepunt in die 5de en 4de eeu vC het Athene en sy voorstede waarskynlik ongeveer 300.000 inwoners gehad. Hiervan was 'n groot aantal slawe of buitelandse inwoners (bekend as metodeikoi of metrieke), wat geen politieke regte gehad het nie en betaal het vir die verblyfreg in Athene. Miskien was slegs 10 of 20% van die bevolking volwasse manlike burgers, wat in aanmerking kom om in die Vergadering te vergader en te stem en tot die amp verkies te word. Na die verowerings van Alexander die Grote in die 4de eeu vC het die stad sy bevolking begin verloor toe Grieke na die nuut verowerde Hellenistiese ryk in die ooste migreer.

Lees meer oor die lang en interessante geskiedenis van Athene deur die eeue deur die linkerskakels op hierdie bladsy te gebruik.


Boek 2

rivier Cephisus, en wat Lilaea by die fonteine ​​van Cephisus gehou het. Hiermee volg veertig swart skepe. En hulle leiers was besig om die geledere van die Phocians te beset en maak hulle gereed vir die geveg naby die Boeotians aan die linkerkant.

En van die Locrians was die vinnige seun van Oïleus leier, Aias die mindere, op geen manier so groot soos Telamonian Aias nie, maar verreweg minder. Kort was hy, met linne -korset, maar met die spies oortref hy Panhellenes en Achaeans. Dit was hulle wat in Cynus en Opoeis en Calliarus en Bessa en Scarphe en lieflike Augeiae en Tarphe en Thronium om die strome van Boagrius gewoon het. Met Aias volg veertig swart skepe van die Locrians wat oorkant die heilige Euboea woon.

En die Abantes, asemrowende woede, wat Euboea en Chalcis en Eretria en Histiaea, ryk aan wingerdstokke, en Cerinthus by die see en die steil vesting van Dion en hulle wat Carystus vasgehou het en in Styra gehou het - hiervan was Elephenor leader, offshoot of Ares, son of Chalcodon and leader of the great-hearted Abantes. And with him followed the swift Abantes, with hair long at the back, spearmen eager with outstretched ashen spears to tear the corselets about the chests of the foe. And with him there followed forty black ships.

And they who held Athens, the well-built citadel, the land of great-hearted Erechtheus, whom Athene, daughter of Zeus, once nurtured, but the earth, the giver of grain, bore him and she settled him in Athens, in her own


Thessalonike of Macedon

Thessalonike (Greek: Θεσσαλονίκη 352 or 345-295 BC) was a Macedonian princess, the daughter of king Philip II of Macedon by his Thessalian wife or concubine, Nicesipolis, from Pherae. History links her to three of the most powerful men in Macedon�ughter of King Philip II, half sister of Alexander the Great and wife of Cassander.

Thessalonike was born around 352 or 345 BC. To commemorate the birth of his daughter, which fell on the same day as the armies of Macedon and Thessalian league won the significant battle of Crocus Field in Thessaly over the Phocians, King Philip is said to have proclaimed, "Let her be called victory in Thessaly". In the Greek language her name is made up of two words Thessaly and nike, that translates into 'Thessalian Victory'. Her mother did not live long after her birth and upon her death Thessalonike appears to have been brought up by her stepmother Olympias. In memory of her close friend, Nicesipolis, the queen took Thessalonike to be raised as her own daughter. Thessalonike was, by far, the youngest child in the care of Olympias. Her interaction with her older brother Alexander would have been minimal, as he was under the tutelage of Aristotle in "The Gardens Of Midas" when she was born, and at the age of six or seven when he left on his Persian expedition. She was only twenty-one when Alexander, king of the then most known world, died.

Thus favored, she spent her childhood in the queen’s quarters, to whose fortunes she attached herself when the latter returned to Macedon in 317 BC, and with whom she took refuge, along with the rest of the royal family, in the fortress of Pydna, on the advance of Cassander in 315 BC. The fall of Pydna and the execution of her stepmother threw her into the power of Cassander, who embraced the opportunity to connect himself with the Argead dynasty by marrying her and he appears to have studiously treated her with the respect due to her illustrious birth. This may have been as much owing to policy as to affection: but the marriage appears to have been a prosperous one Thessalonike became queen of Macedon and the mother of three sons, Philip, Antipater, and Alexander and her husband paid her the honour of conferring her name upon the city of Thessaloniki, which he founded on the site of the ancient Therma, and which soon became, as it continues down to the present day, one of the most wealthy and populous cities of Macedonia. After the death of Cassander, Thessalonike appears to have at first retained much influence over her sons. Her son Philip succeeded his father, but while Antipater was the next in line for the throne, Thessalonike demanded that it be shared between Philip and Alexander. Antipater, becoming jealous of the superior favour which his mother showed to his younger brother Alexander, put his mother to death, in 295 BC.

The legend of Thessalonike

There exists a popular Greek legend which talks about a mermaid who lived in the Aegean for hundreds of years who was thought to be Thessalonike. The legend states that Alexander, in his quest for the Fountain of Immortality, retrieved with great exertion a flask of immortal water with which he bathed his sister's hair. When Alexander died his grief-stricken sister attempted to end her life by jumping into the sea. Instead of drowning, however, she became a mermaid passing judgment on mariners throughout the centuries and across the seven seas. To the sailors who encountered her she would always pose the same question: "Is Alexander the king alive?" (Greek: Ζει ο βασιλιάς Αλέξανδρος), to which the correct answer would be "He lives and reigns and conquers the world" (Greek: Ζει και βασιλεύει, και τον κόσμο κυριεύει!). Given this answer she would allow the ship and her crew to sail safely away in calm seas. Any other answer would transform her into the raging Gorgon, bent on sending the ship and every sailor on board to the bottom.


THIRD SACRED WAR


Sources and Chronology:
The ancient sources for the Third Sacred War are scant, and generally lacking in firm chronological information.The main source for the period is Diodorus Siculus's Bibliotheca historica, written in the 1st century , which is therefore very much a secondary source. Diodorus is often derided by modern historians for his style and inaccuracies, but he preserves many details of the ancient period found nowhere else. Diodorus worked primarily by epitomizing the works of other historians, omitting many details where they did not suit his purpose, which was to illustrate moral lessons from history his account of the Third Sacred War therefore contains many gaps. Beyond Diodorus, further details of the Sacred War can be found in the orations of Athenian statesmen, primarily Demosthenes and Aeschines, which have survived intact. Since these speeches were never intended to be historical material, they must be treated with circumspection Demosthenes and Aeschines have been described as "a couple of liars, neither of whom can be trusted to have told the truth in any matter in which it was remotely in his interest to lie". Nevertheless, their allusions in speeches to contemporary or past events indicate some of the gaps in Diodorus's account, and help with the arrangement of a chronology. The accounts of Diodorus, Demosthenes and Aeschines can be further supplemented by fragments of otherwise lost histories (such as that by Theopompus) and by contemporary epigraphic sources.
Modern historians' dates for the war have been hotly debated, with no clear consensus. It is generally accepted that the war lasted 10 years, and ended in summer 346 (one of the few firm dates), which yields a date of 356 for the beginning of the war, with Philomelos's seizure of Delphi. Diodorus's chronology for the sacred war is very confused—he dates the start and end of the war a year too late, variously says the war lasted 9, 10 or 11 years, and included the siege of Methone twice under different dates—and his dates cannot therefore be relied upon. After Philomelos's defeat at Neon, the Thebans thought it safe to send the general Pammenes to Asia with 5000 hoplites Pammenes probably met with Philip at Maroneia in 355 , presumably on his outward journey.[9] Buckler, the only historian to produce a systematic study of the sacred war, therefore places Neon in 355 , and suggests after the meeting with Pammenes, Philip went to begin the siege of Methone. Other historians have placed Neon in 354 , because Diodorus says that the battle took place while Philip besieged Methone which Diodorus (at one point) places in 354. Disregarding the dates, most historians agree upon the same sequence of events for the first phases of the Sacred War. The principal question is therefore when that sequence started. Thus, Buckler (as well as Beloch and Cloche) dates Neon to 355 , Methone to 355𤭒 , Philip's first Thessalian campaign to 354, and his second to 353. Conversely, Cawkwell, Sealey, Hammond and others lower all these dates by one year, beginning with Neon in 354.


Agtergrond:
Main articles: Delphi and Amphictyonic League

The war was ostensibly caused by the refusal of the Phocian Confederation to pay a fine imposed on them in 357 by the Amphictyonic League, a pan-Hellenic religious organisation which governed the most sacred site in Ancient Greece, the Temple of Apollo at Delphi. The fine was occasioned by the Phocians's illegal cultivation of sacred land on the Kirrhaean plain, which they did not deny the fine was, however, far beyond the Phocians' ability to pay. Under normal circumstances, refusal to pay the fine would have made the Phocians religious (and therefore political) outcasts in Greece, and liable to have a sacred war declared against them. Behind the religious element, there probably lay a display of realpolitik in bringing charges against the Phocians, instigated by the Thebans. The Phocians had declined to send troops on the Mantinea campaign of 362, despite Theban requests, and this appears to have caused lasting enmity in Thebes.] By 357 , with the Athenians embroiled in the Social War, and Alexander of Pherae (an erstwhile ally of the Phocians) dead, the Thebans deemed that the chance to punish Phocis had come. The Amphictyonic League was composed of 12 Greek tribes, primarily of central Greece (the Oetaeans, Boeotians, Dolopes, Phthian Achaeans, Locrians, Magnesians, Malians, Perrhaebians, Phocians, Pythians of Delphi and Thessalians), plus the Dorians (including Sparta) and the Ionians (including Athens), with each tribe having two votes in the council of the league. Thebes had effectively become the 'protector' of the league in 360, after the civil war had restarted in Thessaly the Thessalians having previously been the dominant power in the league. Thus, at this time, Thebes controlled a majority of the votes in the council, and at the autumn meeting in 357, the Thebans were able to have both the Phocians (for the cultivation of the sacred land) and the Spartans (for occupying Thebes some 25 years previously) denounced and fined. Since the fines for both parties were "unjustifiably harsh", the Thebans probably expected neither party to pay, and thus to be able to declare a sacred war on either. There seems to have been some sympathy in Greece for the Phocians, since other states could see that "the Thebans. had used the Amphictyony to pursue petty and destructive vendettas". The Phocians held a special conference to decide what action to take. Philomelos, a citizen of Ledon, advocated a pre-emptive policy of seizing Delphi (which was situated within the boundaries of Phocis), and asserting the ancient claim of Phocis to the presidency of the Amphictyonic League. In this way, the Phocians could annul the judgment against themselves. The Phocians voted in favour of his proposal, and Philomelos was appointed strategos autokrator (general with independent powers) by the confederacy, with his chief supporter Onomarchos also elected as strategos. Philomelos travelled to Sparta to discuss his proposals with the Spartan king Archidamos III. Archidamos expressed his support, hoping that the Spartan fine would also be annulled, and gave Philomelos 15 talents to raise troops with.

On his return to Phocis, Philomelos began assembling a mercenary army using the 15 talents from Archidamos, and also raised a force of 1000 peltasts from amongst the Phocian citizenry. In 356, Philomelos marched on Delphi, just before the end of the period in which the Phocians had been required to pay their fine. He easily captured the city of Delphi, along with the sanctuary of Apollo. Philomelos captured the nobles of the Thrakidai family, who had probably been involved in imposing the fine on Phocis, and killed them, seizing their wealth to add to his treasury. He promised the other Delphians that he would not harm them, although he had initially contemplated enslaving the whole city.

Ozolian Locrian expedition to Delphi:
The news of Philomelos's move against Delphi resulted in a relief expedition being mounted by the Ozalian Locrians, probably mainly from Amphissa. Philomelos's army met the Locrians in open battle on a small plain between the city of Delphi and the sanctuary, and routed them with heavy losses. Some prisoners were taken, and Philomelos had them thrown from the cliffs that tower over the sanctuary (the Phaidriadai rocks). This was the traditional punishment for sacrilege against Apollo's temple, and through the means of this atrocity, Philomelos was asserting the Phocian claim to the presidency of the sanctuary. Buckler observes that "in his first acts, Philomelos set a brutal stamp on the war".


Fortification of Delphi:
After defeating the Locrians, Philomelos continued to strengthen his position in Delphi. He destroyed the stones which recorded the verdict against the Phocians, and abolished the government of the city, installing in its place a group of pro-Phocian Delphians, who had been in exile in Athens. Philomelos ordered the sanctuary be fortified on the western side (natural features defended the other approaches), and a large limestone wall was constructed. He then demanded that the priestess of Apollo (the Pythia) provide him with an oracle she replied that he "could do whatever he wanted". Philomelos called that an oracle, and had it inscribed in the sanctuary, as was customary. This pseudo-oracle provided Philomelos with supposed divine justification from Apollo for his actions. He next sent embassies to all Greek states, asserting the Phocian claim to Delphi, and promising not to touch the treasury of Apollo. The Spartans, as expected, endorsed Philomelos's actions, since their fine was now erased. The Athenians also expressed support, following their general anti-Theban policies.


Declaration of Sacred War:
However, Philomelos's embassies elsewhere met with failure. The Locrians demanded that the Amphictyons avenge them and Apollo, and the Thebans sent embassies to the other council members suggesting that a sacred war should be declared against Phocis. This was assented to by most Greek states, including the Amphictyonic council members (minus Sparta and Athens), and those well-disposed to Thebes furthermore, otherwise uninvolved states declared support for the Amphictyonic for reasons of piety.The Amphictyons seem to have decided that the year was too advanced to begin campaigning, and so agreed to launch military action the following year. They may have hoped that in the meantime, the Phocians‘ sacrilegious behaviour would cause them to reconsider their position.

Following the declaration of war against Phocis, Philomelos decided he would need to substantially increase the size of his army. Rather than levy the Phocian citizen body, Philomelos decided to hire more mercenaries the only way he could afford to do this was by plundering the dedications in the treasury of Apollo. That the treasury contained much wealth, from years of accumulated donations, is well-established it is estimated that the Phocians spent some 10,000 talents of Apollo's treasure during the war. In order to overcome the reluctance of mercenaries to fight for a sacrilegious cause, Philomelos increased the rate of pay by half, which allowed him to recruit a force of 10,000 troops over the winter, for the forthcoming war.


Conflict in Epicnemidian Locris and Phocis (c. 355 :
The following spring, possibly upon hearing news that the Boeotians were ready to march against Phocis, Philomelos took the initiative and marched into Epicnemidian Locris. Since the Phocian army would be outnumbered by the whole Amphictyonic levy, it is probable that he sought to defeat his enemies one by one, starting with the Locrians. If he could defeat the Locrians, then he was in a position to occupy the narrow pass of Thermopylae and block the union of the Thessalian and Boeotian armies, the main Amphictyonic contingents. Philomelos's army thus crossed into Locris, probably using the Fontana pass from Triteis to Naryx, or possibly the Kleisoura pass from Tithronion to the same general area of Locris. The Locrians sent a force of cavalry to oppose him, which the Phocians easily defeated. However, this battle gave the Thessalians time to pass through Thermopylae and arrive in Locris. Philomelos immediately attacked the Thessalians, and defeated them near the town of Argolas, whose location is not definitively known. Philomelos then laid siege to Argolas, but failed to capture it, and instead pillaged as much Locrian territory as possible. The Boeotian army, under the command of Pammenes, then arrived on the scene, and rather than oppose them, Philomelos backed off, allowing the Boeotians to link up with the Locrians and Thessalians. Philomelos had thus failed in his strategy of dealing with the Amphictyons separately, and he now faced an army at least equal in size to his own. He therefore decided to retreat before the Amphictyons could bring him to battle, and probably using the Kleisoura pass, he returned with his army to Phocis.


Battle of Neon:
In response to Philomelos's retreat, Pammenes ordered the Amphictyonic force to cross into Phocis as well, probably by the Fontana pass, in order to prevent Philomelos marching on Boeotia. The two armies converged on Tithorea (whose acropolis, Neon, gives the battle its name), where the Amphictyons brought the Phocians to battle. Details of the battle are scant, but the Amphictyons defeated the Phocians, and then pursued the survivors up the slopes of Mount Parnassos, slaying many. Philomelos was injured, and rather than risk capture, threw himself off the mountain, falling to his death. Onomarchos, who was second in command, managed to salvage the remainder of the army, and retreated to Delphi, and Pammenes retired to Thebes with the Boeotian army.


Second phase (c. 354𤭑):
The Amphictyons seem to have concluded that their victory at Neon had effectively ended the war, and the Phocians would sue for peace. Otherwise, it is difficult to understand why Pammenes did not march on Delphi, or even sack the undefended Phocian cities in the Kephisos valley. In failing to follow up their victory, the Amphictyons wasted the best opportunity they had during the course of the war to end it. The Thebans seem to have been so sure that the war was ended that they agreed to send 5,000 hoplites under Pammenes to help the rebellion of the Persian satrap Artabazus, shortly after the Battle of Neon. The Thebans needed the money Artabazos offered them, and although they had generally been on good terms with the Persian king, they obviously felt the offer was too good to refuse. It is likely the troops were dispatched before the Phocian decision to fight on became clear, unless the Thebans thought that their remaining troops were a match for any army the Phocians could field. This was to prove a serious mistake for the Thebans, and the Amphictyonic cause in general. Rather than contemplate surrender after the retreat from Neon, Onomarchos had rallied the Phocians, and insisted that they should continue the war. A meeting of the Phocian Confederation was held to discuss the future course of action, to which their Athenian and Spartan allies were invited. If they surrendered, the Phocians would face additional fines for their sacrilege, and for plundering the treasury however, to fight on meant perpetrating still further sacrilege, and effectively committed the Phocians to winning a total victory against the Amphictyons. Although some were inclined towards peace, the majority were swayed by Onomarchos's orations and policies, quite possibly backed up by the threat of force from the mercenary army, and voted to continue the war. The Phocian mercenary force had significant influence on the decisions made by (or for) the Phocian Confederation during the course of the war, and also the peculiar consequences it had for the Phocians: "The primary loyalty of that army would go to its commander and paymaster, not to the Phocian Confederacy. In effect, continued war forced the Phocians to put their faith in the hands of a man who could act regardless of their wishes but the responsibility for whose acts would be theirs." His position now secure, Onomarchos had his chief opponents arrested and executed, and confiscated their property to add to his war-chest. He then set about raising a new army, doubling the size of Philomelos's force, until he had 20,000 men and 500 cavalry at his disposal. Raising such a large force required extensive depredations of Apollo's wealth bronze and iron dedications were melted down and recast as weapons, whilst gold and silver offerings were melted down and used to make coinage. Although raising such a large army would have taken a considerable time, Onomarchos had the whole winter after Neon in which to do so.

The first Phocian campaign in Epicnemidian Locris and Doris, 354:

Phocian campaign in Doris (c. 354 :)
First Phocian campaign in Boeotia (c. 354 )
First and second Phocian campaigns in Boeotia, 354𤭑

First conflict in Thessaly (c. 354):
The Sacred War appears to have laid way for renewed conflict within Thessaly. The Thessalian Confederation were in general staunch supporters of the Amphictyonic League, and had an ancient hatred of the Phocians. Conversely, the city-state of Pherae had allied itself with the Phocians. In either 354 or 353 the ruling clan of the city of Larissa appealed to Philip II of Macedon to help them defeat Pherae. Thus, Philip brought an army into Thessaly, probably with the intention of attacking Pherae. Under the terms of their alliance, Lycophron of Pherae requested aid from the Phocians, and Onormarchos dispatched his brother, Phayllos with 7,000 men however, Philip repulsed this force before it could join up with the Pheraeans. Onomarchos then abandoned the siege he was currently prosecuting, and brought his whole force into Thessaly to attack Philip. It is possible that Onomarchos hoped to conquer Thessaly in the process, which would both leave the Thebans isolated (Locris and Doris having already fallen to the Phocians), and give the Phocians a majority in the Amphictyonic council, thus enabling them to have the war declared over. Onomarchos probably brought with him 20 000 infantry, 500 cavalry and a large number of catapults, and outnumbered Philip's army. The exact details of the campaign that followed are unclear, but Onomarchos seems to have inflicted two defeats on Philip, with many Macedonians killed in the process. Polyaenus suggests that the first of Onomarchos's victories was aided by the use of the catapults to throw stones into the Macedonian phalanx, as it climbed a slope to attack the Phocians. After these defeats, Philip retreated to Macedon for the winter.[44] He is said to have commented that he “did not run away but, like a ram, I pulled back to butt again harder”.
(Polyaenus -in Book 2 Chapter XXXVIII "suggests' but not specificaly mention catapults, rather that they threw massive stones. His 'strategem' is ambush. The quote from Philip is in that section.)

Second Phocian campaign in Boeotia (c. 353):
In 353 , Onomarchos took advantage of the fact that Thebes, financially exhausted, sent out a troop of 5,000 Theban soldiers as mercenaries to support the revolt of Artabazus, satrap of Hellespontine Phrygia, against the Persian king. He led an attack against Locris and captured Thronion, which constituted a key strategic point on the route network of central mainland Greece. He turned south and invaded Doris and eventually Boeotia, where he was finally controlled by the allied Boeotians close to Chaeronea.

Second conflict in Thessaly (c. 353):
Philip returned to Thessaly the next summer (either 353 or 352 , depending on the chronology followed), having gathered a new army in Macedon. Philip formally requested that the Thessalians join him in the war against the Phocians the Thessalians, even if underwhelmed by Philip's performance the previous year, realistically had little choice if they wanted to avoid being conquered by Onomarchos's army. Philip now mustered all the Thessalian opponents of Pherae that he could, and according to Diodorus, his final army numbered 20,000 infantry and 3,000 cavalry.

Pagasae:
At some point during his campaigns in Thessaly, Philip captured the strategic port of Pagasae, which was in effect the port of Pherae. It is unclear whether this was during the first or second campaign both Buckler and Cawkwell suggest that it took place in the second campaign, before the Battle of Crocus Field. By taking Pagasae, it is possible that Philip prevented Pherae from being reinforced by sea during his second campaign. Buckler suggests that Philip had learnt his lesson from the previous campaign, and intended to cut Pherae off from outside help before attacking it.

Battle of Crocus:
Field Main article: Battle of Crocus Field:
Meanwhile, Onomarchos returned to Thessaly to try to preserve the Phocian ascendancy there, with approximately the same force as during the previous year. Furthermore, the Athenians dispatched Chares to help their Phocian allies, seeing the opportunity to strike a decisive blow against Philip. Subsequent events are unclear, but a battle was fought between the Macedonians and the Phocians, probably as Philip tried to prevent the Phocians uniting forces with the Pheraeans, and crucially, before the Athenians had arrived. According to Diodorus, the two armies met on a large plain near the sea, probably in the vicinity of Pagasae. Philip sent his men into battle wearing crown of laurel, the symbol of the Apollo "as if he was the avenger. of sacrilege, and he proceeded to battle under the leadership, as it were, of the god". In the ensuing battle, the bloodiest recorded in ancient Greek history, Philip won a decisive victory against the Phocians. In total, 6,000 Phocian troops were killed including Onomarchos, and another 3,000 taken prisoner Onomarchos was either hanged or crucified and the other prisoners drowned, as ritual demanded for temple-robbers. These punishments were designed to deny the defeated an honourable burial Philip thus continued to present himself as the pious avenger of the sacrilege committed by the Phocians.

Re-organisation of Thessaly:
It was probably in the aftermath of his victory (if not before) that the Thessalians appointed Philip archon of Thessaly. This was an appointment for life, and gave Philip control over all the revenues of the Thessalian Confederation, and furthermore made Philip leader of the united Thesslian army. Philip was now able to settle Thessaly at his leisure. He first probably finished the siege of Pagasae, to deny the Athenians a landing place in Thessaly. Pagasae was not part of the Thessalian Confederation, and Philip therefore took it as his own, and garrisoned it. The fall of Pagasae now left Pherae totally isolated. Lycophron, rather than suffer the fate of Onomarchos, struck a bargain with Philip, and in return for handing Pherae over to Philip, he was allowed, along with 2000 of his mercenaries, to go to Phocis. Philip now worked to unite the traditionally fractious cities of Thessaly under his rule. He took direct control of several cities in western Thessaly, exiling the dissidents, and in one case refounding the city with a Macedonian population he tightened his control of Perrhaebia, and invaded Magnesia, also taking it as his own and garrisoning it "when finished, he was lord of Thessaly."

Thermopylae:
Once satisfied with his reorganisation of Thessaly, Philip marched south to the pass of Thermopylae, the gateway to central Greece. He probably intended to follow up his victory over the Phocians by invading Phocis itself, a prospect which greatly alarmed the Athenians, since once he was past Thermopylae, he could also march on Athens. The Athenians therefore dispatched a force to Thermopylae and occupied the pass there is some debate as to whether other contingents may have joined the Athenians at Thermopylae. The Athenians were certainly there, since the Athenian orator Demosthenes celebrated the defense of the pass in one of his speeches. Cawkwell suggests that the Athenian force was the one that Diodorus says was dispatched under Nausicles consisting of 5,000 infantry and 400 cavalry, and that they were joined by the remnants of the Phocians and the Pheraean mercenaries. However, Buckler argues that Diodorus never mentions Thermopylae, and the force under Nausicles was sent to help the Phocians the following year instead, he believes that another Athenian force held the pass unassisted. Although it might have proved possible to force the pass, Philip did not attempt to do so, preferring not to risk a defeat after his great successes in Thessaly.

Third phase (c. 352𤭊 ):
Meanwhile, the Phocians regrouped under Onomarchos's brother, Phayllos. After the huge Phocian defeats at Neon and Crocus Field, Phayllos had to resort to doubling the pay for mercenaries, in order to attract enough to replenish his army. Despite their defeats however, the majority of the Phocians were still in favour of continuing the war. Over the winter of that year, Phayllos engaged in diplomatic efforts to gather more support from Phocis's allies, and succeeding in widening the theatre of conflict in the next campaigning season. Uniquely in Greek history, the Phocians were able to absorb huge losses in manpower, thanks to their pillaging of Temple of Apollo, a factor which was to contribute to the war dragging on indecisively until 346.

Third Phocian campaign in Boeotia (352 ):
Third Phocian campaign in Boeotia, 352 :
First conflict in the Peloponnese (352):

Second Phocian campaign in Epicnemidian Locris (351):

Second conflict in the Peloponnese (351):


Phocian campaign in Boeotia (351 ):
Fourth Phocian campaign in Boeotia, and second, third and fourth Boeotian campaigns in Phocis, 351𤭋 :
Second Boeotian campaign in Phocis (349 ):
Fifth Phocian campaign in Boeotia (349 ):
Fifth and sixth Phocian campaigns in Boeotia, 349𤭋 :
Euboea (349𤭌 ):
Third Boeotian campaign in Phocis (348 ):
Sixth Phocian campaign in Boeotia (347 ):

Fourth Boeotian campaign in Phocis (347 ):
Philip had not involved himself in the Sacred War since his victory at the Crocus Field in 352 . In the meantime, it had become clear that the Sacred War could only be ended by outside intervention. The Phocians had occupied several Boeotian cities, but were running out of treasure to pay their mercenaries conversely, the Thebans were unable to act effectively against the Phocians. The Phocian general Phalaikos was removed from his command in 347 , and three new generals appointed, who successfully attacked Boeotia again. The Thebans appealed to Philip for aid, and he sent a small force to their assistance. Philip sent force enough to honour his alliance with Thebes, but not enough to end the war—he desired the glory of ending the war personally, in the manner of his choosing, and on his terms.


Settlement of the Sacred War:
Preliminaries:
Athens and Macedon had been at war since 356 , after Philip's capture of the Athenian colonies of Pydna and Potidea. Philip had then been drawn into the Sacred War, on behalf of the Thessalians, as described above. Since Athens was also a combatant in the Sacred War, the war between Athens and Macedon was inextricably linked with the progress of the Sacred War. In 352 , Philip's erstwhile ally, the Chalkidian League (led by Olynthos), alarmed by Philip's growing power, sought to ally themselves with Athens, in clear breach of their alliance with Philip. In response, Philip attacked Chalkidiki in 349 , and by 348 , had completely destroyed the Chalkidian League, razing Olynthos in the process. The prominent Athenian politician Philocrates had suggested offering Philip peace in 348 , during the Olynthian war. The war between Athens and Philip thus continued through 347 , as did the Sacred War.
In early 346 , Philip let it be known that he intended to march south with the Thessalians, though not where or why. The Phocians thus made plans to defend Thermopylae, and requested assistance from the Spartans and the Athenians, probably around 14 February. The Spartans dispatched Archidamus III with 1,000 hoplites, and the Athenians ordered everyone eligible for military service under the age of 40 to be sent to the Phocians' aid. However, between the Phocians' appeal and the end of the month, all plans were upset by the return of Phalaikos to power in Phocis the Athenians and the Spartans were subsequently told that they would not be permitted to defend Thermopylae. It is not clear from the ancient sources why Phalaikos was returned to power, nor why he adopted this dramatic change of policy. Cawkwell suggests, based on remarks of Aeschines, that the Phocian army restored Phalaikos because they had not been properly paid, and further that Phalaikos, realizing that the army could not be paid and that the Phocians could no longer hope to win the war, decided to try to negotiate a peace settlement with Philip.


Peace between Macedon and Athens:
Main article: Peace of Philocrates:
When the Athenians received this news, they rapidly changed policy. If Thermopylae could no longer be defended, then Athenian security could no longer be guaranteed. By the end of February, the Athenians had dispatched an embassy, including Philocrates, Demosthenes and Aeschines, to Philip to discuss peace between Athens and Macedon. The embassy had two audiences with Philip, in which each side presented their proposals for the terms of the peace settlement. The embassy then returned to Athens to present the proposed terms to the Athenian Assembly, along with a Macedonian embassy to Athens, empowered by Philip to finalize an agreement. On 23 April, the Athenians swore to the terms of the treaty in the presence of the Macedonian ambassadors.

Embassies to Philip:
After agreeing to the peace terms with Macedonian ambassadors in April, the Athenians dispatched a second embassy to Macedon, to extract the peace oaths from Philip this embassy travelled to Pella at a relaxed pace, knowing that Philip was away on campaign against the Thracian king Kersebleptes (Cersobleptes). When they arrived, the Athenians (again including Demosthenes and Aeschines) were rather surprised to find embassies from all the principle combatants in the Sacred War were also present, in order to discuss a settlement to the war. When Philip returned from Thrace he received both the Athenian and other embassies. The Thebans and Thessalians requested that he take the leadership of Greece, and punish Phocis conversely, the Phocians, supported by the Spartans and the Athenian delegations, pleaded with Philip not to attack Phocis. Philip, however, delayed making any decisions "[he] sought by every means not to reveal how he intended to settle things both sides were privately encouraged to hope that he would do as they wanted, but both were bidden not to prepare for war a peacefully arranged concordat was at hand" he also delayed taking the oaths to the Peace of Philocrates. Military preparations were ongoing in Pella during this period, but Philip told the ambassadors that they were for a campaign against Halus, a small Thessalian city which held out against him. He departed for Halus before making any pronouncements, compelling the Athenian embassy to travel with him only when they reached Pherae did Philip finally take the oaths, enabling the Athenian ambassadors to return home.

Occupation of Thermopylae:
It was in the aftermath of finally ratifying the Peace that Philip applied the coup de grace. He had persuaded the Athenians and other Greeks that he and his army was heading for Halus, but it seems certain that he also sent other units straight to Thermopylae. Thus, when he swore oaths to the Athenian assembly in Pherae, his troops were already very close to Thermopylae by the time the Athenian ambassadors arrived home (9 July), Philip was already in possession of the pass. By delaying the oaths, and making what was effectively a feint against Halus, he prevented the Athenians from seeing their imminent danger, and from having time to garrison the Thermopylae.

Peace settlement:
All of central and southern Greece was now at Philip's mercy, and the Athenians could not now save Phocis even if they abandoned the peace. However, the Athenians were still ignorant of this turn of events when Phocian ambassadors came to Athens to plead for military aid around 9 July. The Athenian council recommended that the peace be rejected, and Thermopylae be occupied in order to help save Phocis since, as far at the Athenian embassy knew, Philip's troops were still in Pherae, there seemed to be ample time to occupy the pass. By 12 July the news that Philip was "in the gates" arrived in Athens the Athenians then knew that the situation was hopeless, and instead of acting on the previous recommendation of the council, the Assembly instead passed a motion re-affirming the Peace of Philocrates. Now that he was in control of Thermopylae, Philip could be certain of dictating the terms of the end of the Sacred War, since he could now use force against any state that did not accept his arbitration. He began by making a truce with Phalaikos on 19 July Phalaikos surrendered Phocis to him, in return for being allowed to leave with his mercenaries and go wherever he wished. Cawkwell suggests that Phalaikos probably collaborated with Philip in 346 , allowing Philip to take Thermopylae in return for lenience for him and his men. Otherwise, it is difficult to see how Philip could have advertised his campaign so far in advance (and been so confident of success), and yet not been stopped at Thermopylae. Philip restored to Boeotia the cities that Phocis had captured during the war (Orchomenos, Coroneia and Corsiae), and then declared that the fate of Phocis would not be decided by him, but by the Amphictyonic Council. This caused great panic in Athens, since the Phocians could never hope for mercy from the Amphictyons, and since Athens had also (having allied with Phocis) shared in the same sacrilege. However, it is clear that Philip was dictating the terms behind the scenes allowing the Amphictyons the formal responsibility allowed him to dissociate himself from the terms in the future. In return for ending the war, Macedon was made a member of the Amphictyonic council, and given the two votes which had been stripped from Phocis. This was an important moment for Philip, since membership of the Ampictyony meant that Macedon was now no longer a 'barbarian' state in Greek eyes. The terms imposed on Phocis were harsh, but realistically Philip had no choice but to impose such sanctions he needed the support of the Thessalians (sworn enemies of Phocis), and could not risk losing the prestige that he had won for his pious conduct during the war. However, they were not as harsh as some of the Amphictyonic members had suggested the Oeteans had demanded that the traditional punishment for temple robbers of being pushed over a cliff be carried out. Aside from being expelled from the Amphictyonic council, all the Phocian cities were to be destroyed, and the Phocians settled in 'villages' of no more than fifty houses the money stolen from the temple was to be paid back at a rate of 60 talents per year He did not, however, destroy the Phocians, and they retained their land. The Athenians, having made peace with Philip, were not penalised by the Amphictyonic council, and the Spartans also seem to have escaped lightly. Philip presided over the Amphictyonic festival in the autumn, and then much to the surprise of the Greeks, he went back to Macedon and did not return to Greece for seven years. He did however retain his access, by garrisoning Nicaea, the closest town to Thermopylae, with Thessalian troops.


Aftermath:
The destruction of the Phocian cities and the heavy fine imposed on the Phocian confederation certainly caused the Phocians to bear a grudge against Philip II. Seven years later the Locrians brought charges against the Athenians in the amphictyonic council and a special session of the council was set in order to deal with that matter. The Athenians, however, did not send envoys and neither did the Thebans. This was a clear insult to the council and Philip II intervened once more as a regulator. The Fourth Sacred War broke out, ending in the total subjugation of Greece to the kingdom of Macedonia. The Phocians recovered gradually from the repercussions of the Third Sacred War and managed to be reinstated in the Amphictyony in 279 , when they joined forces with the Aetolian League fighting against the Gauls. However, a serious side-loss of the Third Sacred War remained the destruction of a large number of ex votos and other precious offerings to the sanctuary of Apollo, which deprived not only the sanctuary itself but also the later generations of some magnificent pieces of art.


See also [ edit | wysig bron]

  1. ↑ Aeschylus (1986) Choephori introduction by A. F. Garvie, Oxford U. P., p. x
  2. ↑ Steiner, Gerd. The Case of Wiluša and Ahhiyawa. Bibliotheca Orientalis LXIV No. 5-6, September–December 2007
  3. ↑ Ebeling, Erich; Meissner, Bruno; Edzard, Dietz Otto (1993). Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie: A - Bepaste. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. p.㺹. ISBNك-11-004451-X . http://books.google.com/books?id=aVkj3ZedbocC&pg=PA57&lpg=PA61&dq=Akagamunas#PPA57,M1 .  
  4. ↑Hyginus, "Fabulae" 114.
  5. ↑ Aeschylus, Aga., ln. 1602
  6. ↑ Lewis, Charlton T.; Short, Charles. "Argynnus". A Latin Dictionary. Perseus Project . http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.04.0059%3Aentry%3DArgynnus . Retrieved 16 September 2011 .  
  7. ↑ The Deipnosophists of Athenaeus of Naucratis, Book XIII Concerning Women, 80D (p. 603)
  8. ↑ Protrepticus II.38.2
  9. ↑ Butler, Harold Edgeworth & Barber, Eric Arthur, eds. (1933) The Elegies of Propertius. Oxford: Clarendon Press p. 277
  10. ↑ Pausanias. Beskrywing van Griekeland 5.8.3
  11. ↑ Plutarch. Amores, 21

 This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain:  Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911) Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.) Cambridge University Press