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Lyndon Johnson Travels



Lyndon Johnson Travels - Geskiedenis

Kort nadat Lyndon Baines Johnson in Januarie 1973 oorlede is, het sommige van sy vriende begin oorweeg om 'n nasionale gedenkteken vir die 36ste president van die Verenigde State in Washington, DC te skep. Hulle besluit dat 'n bos bome, 'n gedenksteen en 'n gepaste voorstelling van 'n man wat die natuur in sy persoonlike lewe waardeer en die beskerming van die omgewing in sy presidentskap ondersteun. Lady Bird Johnson het Columbia Island, tussen die George Washington Memorial Parkway en die Boundary Channel, as die plek gekies. Die LBJ Grove Memorial Committee het meer as $ 2 miljoen se skenkings ingesamel van mense regoor die Verenigde State. Die opgemerkte plaaslike landskapargitek Meade Palmer het nou saamgewerk met mev. Johnson om die bos te beplan wat op 6 April 1976 geopen het. Die gedenkbos het twee afdelings. Die gedenkgebied, omring deur 'n bos dennebome, fokus op die lewe, doelwitte en prestasies van Lyndon B. Johnson. Die tweede gedeelte bestaan ​​uit 'n breë grasweide wat omring is deur 'n gruispaadjie om te loop en omring deur bome. Hierdie deel van die woud is bedoel om liggaamlike en geestelike verjonging te bied, en weerspieël ook die troos wat Johnson in die natuur en in die buitelug gevind het. Die grasveld, veral opsy gesit om 'n rustige omgewing te bied waar mense kan sit, loop en ontspan, strook met Johnson se nalatenskap om te probeer verseker dat alle Amerikaners kan geniet van wat hy waardeer.

In die formele herdenkingsgebied draai 'n breë steenpaadjie saggies deur 'n bos wit dennebome tot 'n 19 voet lange, Sunset Red-granietmonoliet in die middel van 'n steenplein. Die steen, wat in Johnson en rsquos in Texas gebore is, het in 1974 op die terrein aangekom. Die bos, bestaande uit 900 wit dennebome, gekies vir hul vorm en immergroen kleur, omring die plein aan drie kante. Die derde kant is oop en kyk uit oor die Potomacrivier na Washington, DC. Die volwasse bome skep 'n dramatiese gevoel van omhulsel vir besoekers wat op die pad na die plein loop. Azaleas, rododendron, bloeiende struike, veldblomme en lentebolle bedek die grond onder die bome. Die vorm en plasing van plantbeddings en die lae, steenmuur wat by die pad pas, weerspieël die spiraalvormige ontwerp van die gang. Mev. Johnson het die vier aanhalings aan die voet van die granietmonoliet gekies. Hulle bevat die gedagtes van die president oor die omgewing, onderwys, burgerregte en die presidentskap. Vier eenvoudige banke aan die rand van die plein bied 'n plek om te kyk na die Lincoln- en Thomas Jefferson -gedenktekens, die Washington -monument en die Capitol oor die Potomac. Die Johnsons het gereeld hier gestop toe hulle teruggery het na Washington langs die George Washington Memorial Parkway.

Die tweede deel van die gedenkbos fokus na binne op die grasvee wat die weide vorm. Dit is meer informeel as die plein, en bied 'n verskeidenheid passiewe ontspanningsaktiwiteite. Bankies langs die gruispaadjie wat om die weiland kronkel, gee besoekers die geleentheid om te sit en ontspan, en daar is piekniektafels onder die bome wat die grasperk omring. Die ontwerper van die gedenkteken het gedink dat 'n grasveld omring deur bome een van die aangenaamste uitsigte op die landskap is. Hierdie relatief klein ruimte speel dieselfde rol as die groot openbare parke van die 19de eeu. Net soos hulle bied dit besoekers- waarvan baie stedelinge is- verjonging, passiewe ontspanning en 'n kans om die buitelug te geniet.

Die gebruik van 'n bos bome as 'n lewende gedenkteken vir Johnson was veral gepas in die lig van sy rekord in die behoud van die nasionale erfenis. Die Johnson -administrasie het toesig gehou oor die toevoeging van 3,6 miljoen hektaar grond tot die National Park System, die Wilderness Act goedgekeur en die Land and Water Conservation Fund gestig. Dit het die eerste wetgewing wat waterbesoedeling reguleer, in 1965 en 1966, en lugbesoedeling, in 1963 en 1967, begin. die Wild and Scenic Rivers Act was alles deel van die oplewing van wetgewing wat gerig is op die beskerming van die omgewing en die natuurlike erfenis wat Johnson aangeneem het.

Die Lyndon Baines Johnson Memorial Grove is ontwerp deur Meade Palmer in samewerking met die argitek- en ingenieursfirma Mills and Petticord en die beeldhouer Harold Vogel. Dit is 'n uitstekende voorbeeld van kontemporêre landskapargitektuur, waardeur die webwerf die vorm van die ontwerp kan bepaal. Die ontwerpers het die bos vir 'n verskeidenheid gebruikers beplan. Vir besoekers bied dit 'n gedenkteken vir die 36ste president van die Verenigde State en 'n aangename buitelugomgewing. Vir motoriste op die George Washington Memorial Parkway is dit 'n lieflike uitsig. Vir passasiers in vliegtuie wat die Reagan Nasionale Lughawe nader, word die bos 'n abstrakte uitdrukking van landskapskuns.

Die Lyndon Baines Johnson Memorial Grove op die Potomac National Memorial, 'n eenheid van die National Park System, is naby die Pentagon en Arlington Memorial Cemetery geleë. Die George Washington Memorial Parkway bied direkte toegang tot die parkeerareas van die LBJ Grove. Klik hier vir die National Register of Historic Places -lêer: teks en foto's.

Die gedenkteken is op Columbia Island, wes van die 14th Street Bridge en suid van die George Washington Memorial Parkway. Die 17 hektaar groot park word begrens deur die George Washington Memorial Parkway in die noordooste, die Boundary Channel in die suidweste en Columbia Island Marina in die suidooste. Vir meer inligting, besoek die National Park Service Lyndon Baines Johnson Memorial Grove op die Potomac National Memorial-webwerf of bel 703-289-2500. Die Memorial Grove is gedurende die dag gedurende die dag oop. Die park sluit teen skemer. Toilette is by die aangrensende Columbia Island Marina en is oop van 7:00 tot 22:00. Toegang is gratis vir die publiek. Die naaste metrostasie is Arlington Cemetery. Besoekers wil dalk ook meer van Ladybird Johnson Park, waarvan die gedenkbos deel is, verken. Hierdie park is geskep ter ere van Lady Bird Johnson en rsquos se bydraes tot die verfraaiing van Washington, DC en die land as geheel.


Die ingewikkelde geskiedenis tussen die pers en die presidensie

Maandag het die vermeende Republikeinse genomineerde Donald Trump 'n tweet -lesing gestuur, gebaseer op die ongelooflike onakkurate dekking en beriggewing oor die rekordopstel van Trump -veldtog, herroep ons hiermee die persbewyse van die valse en oneerlike Washington Post.”

Die tweet was in reaksie op 'n opskrif wat die koerant daardie dag geplaas het oor die opmerkings van Trump oor die massaskietery in Orlando, wat Donald Trump eers gelees het, en#8220 Donald Trump stel voor dat Obama betrokke was by die skietery in Orlando. om te lees, en dit lyk asof Donald Trump president Obama met die skietery in Orlando verbind ".

In die loop van sy veldtog het Trump persbewyse van verskeie afsetpunte ontken of ingetrek, waaronder die Huffington Post, Politiek, BuzzFeed, die Daaglikse Dier, die Des Moines Register, die New Hampshire vakbondleier en Univision,  NPR verslae. As kandidaat het Trump se veldtog beheer oor wie sy byeenkomste bywoon en met watter media hulle wil saamwerk. As hy die presidentskap sou wen, sou soortgelyke verbod op persverkope sonder presedent wees.

Volgens Joshua Keating by Buitelandse beleidOm 'n perskaart na die inligtingsaal van die Withuis te kry, moet 'n verslaggewer 'n paar kontrolepunte verbysteek. Eerstens moet hy of sy goedgekeur word deur die Permanente Komitee van Korrespondente, 'n vereniging van verslaggewers wat persbewyse vir die kongres goedkeur. Om in die Withuis te kom, moet verslaggewers 'n agtergrondtjek van die geheime diens ondergaan. Keating sê daar is ongeveer 2 000 verslaggewers met 'n harde kaart en 8221 toegang tot die Withuis wat elke jaar hernu kan word. Terwyl die Withuis wel die mag het om paspasse terug te trek, trek dit selde om veiligheidsredes of buitengewone omstandighede, soos 'n voorval in 2001 toe die vryskut Trude Feldman betrap is deur 'n persvenster se lessenaar. Selfs toe is Feldman vir 90 dae geskors, maar sy pas is nie eensydig herroep nie.

George Condon, 'n jarelange verslaggewer van die Withuis en voormalige president van die Withuis-korrespondente-vereniging, sê aan Andrew Rafferty en Alex Seitz-Wald by NBC dat hy weet van geen enkele koerant wat sy [Withuis] se geloofsbriewe getrek het nie. die ontstaan ​​van die korrespondentevereniging in 1914.

Maar dit is nie te sê dat media nie 'n president se ontevredenheid besorg het nie. Washington Post was 'n teiken vir verskeie administrasies, veral nadat die koerant die Watergate -skandaal verbreek het, het president Richard Nixon verslaggewers verbied van oral in die Withuis buite die pers -inligtingsessie.

Soos die beroemde Watergate -verslaggewer Bob Woodward   vertel NBC,   “ Die Nixon Withuis het nie formeel die persbewyse van die Post maar het wel begin om die Post van die dekking van sosiale geleenthede in die Withuis. ”  

In 'n klankopname dreig Nixon om sy perssekretaris Ron Ziegler af te dank as hy ooit toelaat Post vervoerder in.

Ek wil dit duidelik verstaan ​​dat daar voortaan nooit 'n verslaggewer van Die Washington Post sal ooit in die Withuis wees. Is dit duidelik? ” sê Nixon op die band. Geen kerkdiens nie, niks wat mev. Nixon doen nie en ook geen fotograwe nie. Dit is 'n totale bestelling, en as dit nodig is, sal ek u afdank, verstaan ​​u? ”  

Lyndon Johnson het 'n heel ander verhouding met die koerant gehad, en in 1963 tydens 'n telefoongesprek flirt hy met die PostKatherine Graham, redakteur van Katherine Graham, en gesê dat hy spyt was dat hy net met haar oor die telefoon gepraat het en wou hê dat hy soos een van hierdie jong diere op my plaas kon wees en die heining sou spring om haar te gaan sien.

Maar sy sjarme op die telefoon was waarskynlik 'n manipulasie -taktiek. Johnson was 'n skerp waarnemer van die media en het dikwels probeer om sy invloed agter die skerms uit te oefen, selfs met die Post. Soos Michael R.  Beschloss   in sy boek skryf,  Verantwoordelik: The Johnson White House Tapes 1963-1964In transkripsies van sy bande, bel Johnson in die hoof van die FBI, J. Edgar Hoover, om te sien of hulle die koerant kan druk nadat hulle verneem het dat hulle van plan is om 'n hoofartikel te voer wat 'n kommissie sal vra om die moord op president Kennedy te ondersoek, wat Johnson & #160teen.  Hoover en Johnson het albei gekontak  Post verslaggewers in 'n poging om die verhaal dood te maak.

Gerald Ford het nooit 'n verklaring oor die Post, maar het die koerant indirek die skuld gegee vir sy reputasie as 'n kluts, soos verewig deur Chevy Chase op "Saturday Night Live". Tydens 'n besoek aan Salzburg, Oostenryk, in 1975, val Ford neer terwyl hy die trappe van Air Force One afklim. Volgens die boek van Mark Rozell,  Die pers en die Ford -presidentskap, die Post 'n beeld van die voorval op die voorblad verskyn, tesame met 'n storie wat sê dat die val die reis saamgevat het. Struikel, vroetel, tuimel en draai. ”

Die beeld van 'n struikelende president het vasgesteek en is vandag nog deel van sy nalatenskap. In sy memoir Tyd om te genees, Ford sê: Vanaf daardie oomblik het verslaggewers elke keer as ek struikel of my kop gestamp het of in die sneeu geval het, nul ingestel op die uitsluiting van byna alles. Die nuusdekking was skadelik. ”

Ongemaklike betrekkinge tussen die pers en die president dateer terug na George Washington, wat 'ontsteld' uitgespreek het dat sy afskeid moontlik nie behoorlik in die pers gedek word nie.Washington Post,   en baie ander afsetpunte sonder dieselfde nasionale profiel. Terwyl die verhoudings verskil William McKinley en 'n Mexikaanse papegaai met 'n geelkop met die naam “ Washington Post ”, wat die amptelike groet van die Withuis was, is die dans tussen verslaggewers en die  -opperbevelvoerder nog altyd gesien as 'n &# 160noodsaaklikheid#160 om die  nasie te laat funksioneer.  

Oor Jason Daley

Jason Daley is 'n in Madison, Wisconsin gebaseerde skrywer wat spesialiseer in natuurgeskiedenis, wetenskap, reis en die omgewing. Sy werk het verskyn in Ontdek, Populêre wetenskap, Buite, Mansjoernaal, en ander tydskrifte.


Sy het haar besoek aan die Weskus begin

Op 4 November 1965 beland Margaret en haar man,  Lord Snowdon, in Kalifornië met 'n gevolg van 16 persone en 75 stukke bagasie. die Nob Hill -omgewing. Die groep het oral in die Baai besoek afgelê, onder meer by die San Francisco City Hall, 'n modevertoning in die Hilton Hotel, die Berkeley -kampus van die Universiteit van Kalifornië, 'n mis by die Grace Cathedral en die Monterey -skiereiland. En natuurlik het hulle ook toeriste gespeel by Coit Tower en op 'n kabelkar.

Ek het so baie van San Francisco gehoor dat ek bang was dat ek teleurgesteld sou wees, maar dit het my verwagtinge gestand gedoen, het sy gesê, volgens die San Francisco Chronicle .

Daarna is hulle suidwaarts na Los Angeles, waar hulle na 'n toer deur Universal Studios met die beroemde elmboë gesmeer het, veral tydens 'n partytjie wat deur die sosiale Sherman Douglas gehou is. Op die gastelys: Judy Garland, Grace Kelly, Mia Farrow, Frank Sinatra, Gregory Peck, Elizabeth Taylor, Richard Burton, Fred Astaire en Natalie Wood. Hulle het ook 'n stop gemaak by die stel van Geskeurde gordyn, waar hulle Paul Newman, Julie Andrews en Alfred Hitchcock ontmoet het.

Prinses Margaret en Lord Snowdon spring toe op 'n vliegtuig na Arizona, waar hulle vier dae by 'n vriend was wie se pa, Lewis W. Douglas, die voormalige ambassadeur by die hof van St. plaas.

Lord Snowdon en prinses Margaret ry op 9 November 1965 met 'n kabelkar in San Francisco

Foto: Keystone-France/Gamma-Rapho via Getty Images


Die presidensiële portret wat die grootste ding was en#8217 L.B.J. Al ooit gesien

Toe Barack Obama Maandag sy amptelike presidensiële portret in die Smithsonian National Portrait Gallery onthul, was sy reaksie genadig, as dit selfveragtend was. Hierdie kombinasie het iets van die norm geword sedert die museum in die negentigerjare met portrette van presidente begin werk het. Obama het die gelykenis geprys, maar het 'n grap gemaak dat die kunstenaar Kehinde Wiley sy versoek om in 2008 met kleiner ore en minder grys hare geverf te word, geweier het. het geweet dat 'n aansienlike skare sou opdaag sodra die woord uitgekom het oor [sy] hang. ” Selfs Abraham Lincoln spot met sy eie voorkoms, ondanks sy vaardige gebruik van portretkuns as politieke boodskap.

Maar nie alle presidente se reaksies op hul amptelike portrette was so bly nie. Toe hy die eerste keer die skildery wat sy amptelike portret van die Withuis sou wees, noem, noem Lyndon B. Johnson walglik die skilder Peter Hurd ’s work “ die lelikste ding wat ek ooit gesien het en weier om dit te aanvaar. Hurd was reeds dekades in sy suksesvolle loopbaan as skilder, wat spesialiseer in portrette en landskappe van die Amerikaanse suidweste. Hy was arrogant genoeg om nie deur die opmerking geraak te word nie en was gretig om die president se uiters onbeskofte gedrag bekend te maak, en reageer geredelik op pers nuuskierigheid oor die voorval. Amerikaners was simpatiek teenoor die geminagde kunstenaar en toenemend skepties oor die president se karakter en 'n klein dingetjie wat Johnson, wat alreeds as kortstondig beskou is, amper nie kon bekostig nie. Na vertoning van die stuk in 'n Texas -museum as vergelding, skenk Hurd later sy skildery aan die Portrait Gallery, wat ingestem het om dit eers na Johnson se dood te vertoon.

Dit is vir my 'n raaisel, ” sê David C. Ward, voormalige senior historikus by die National Portrait Gallery en skrywer van die nuwe uitgawe Presidente van Amerika: National Portrait Gallery. Dit is 'n goeie seremoniële portret van die 20ste eeu, en hy het dit gehaat. ”

Amerikaanse presidente: National Portrait Gallery

Hierdie bundel is 'n opvallende versameling presidensiële portrette uit die National Portrait Gallery en omvat die gees van die magtigste kantoor ter wêreld.

Anders as die portret van Obama, wat lof ontvang het vir sy afwyking van die fotorealistiese tradisie van presidensiële portrette, was die portret van Hurd van Johnson nie radikaal en op sy gesig baie dieselfde as dié van sy voorgangers (Elaine de Kooning ’s portret) van John F. Kennedy wat 'n noemenswaardige uitsondering is.) 'n Lang, breë skouer, vasberade Texan in 'n waardige swart pak, word Johnson bo-op die dak van die Library of Congress voorgestel, met 'n swaarkrywende Amerikaanse geskiedenisboek, soos die verdwergde Amerikaanse Capitol -gebou verlig Washington, DC op die twil -agtergrond. Net soos Wiley, het Hurd nie die president se ore gekrimp nie, die lyne in sy gesig vervaag of sy grys, gladde hare donker gemaak wat hy Johnson flatterend en kragtig uitgebeeld het, maar hy het hom uitgebeeld soos hy was.

As u net die mening van [Johnson ’s] vergeet, en dit is 'n baie goeie portret van [hom], sê Ward. Die feit dat u Lyndon Johnson in hierdie fiktiewe ruimte gekry het, verhewe bo die hele landskap van die land se hoofstad, ek dink dat dit interessant was dat Johnson dit was. Hy was meester van die senaat en daarna 'n uiters belangrike president. ”

Ondanks sy mag en prominensie, was Johnson egter dikwels oorweldig met onveiligheid. As 'n Texaan beskou hy homself as iets van 'n buitestaander, volgens Ward, en was hy dikwels paranoïes dat meer verfynde politici daarop gemik was om voordeel te trek uit hom. Hierdie ongemak was veral duidelik in sy verhouding met die Kennedys: alhoewel hulle ryk was, konvensioneel aantreklik en grotendeels as stylvol en vernaam beskou word, het Johnson in armoede grootgeword en word hy soms beskou as 'n onbeskofte, soort yslike Texan, en #8221 volgens Ward.

Hy is 'n belangrike gevolg, en ons was geneig om van hom te vergeet, sê Ward. Hy is nog steeds oorweldig — en dit sal hom mal maak deur die glans van [John F.] Kennedy. ”

Die spanning kan die kritiek van Lady Bird Johnson verklaar dat die portret van haar man sy knielige, hardwerkende hande nie behoorlik uitgebeeld het nie. Alhoewel die gesin van Johnson arm was, was hy nie 'n boer nie. Hy het 'n onderwyser geword van die universiteit af en het vinnig oorgegaan na die lewe in die politiek. Ward teoretiseer dat Lady Bird miskien gevoel het dat die portret hom nie voldoende onderskei van deftige New Englanders soos Bobby Kennedy nie.

Johnson het altyd gedink dat mense op hom neersien, sê Ward. Ek wonder of daar nie hierdie ongemak van Johnson is dat die stadsmense hom voordeel trek nie. ”

Maar dit is moontlik, volgens Ward, dat Johnson se afkeuring van die portret minder te doen gehad het met die gevoel dat hy self twyfel, omdat hy self 'n boelie was. Dit is bekend dat hy 'n hulpverlener en 'n loodgieter tydens sy tyd as politikus tot 'n geestelike ineenstorting gedryf het (hoewel die assistent later gesê het dat Johnson baie bewus was van sy personeel se welstand.) -ant ” aan sy teëstanders, van “pis-ant ” verslaggewers na die “ damn klein pis-mier land ” van Viëtnam. En nadat hy Hurd verwerp het, het Johnson aan die kunstenaar arrogant sy portret gewys wat deur die bekende Norman Rockwell geskep is, wat hy beweer dat hy verkies, alhoewel hy later ook van die skildery ontslae geraak het.

As hy voel dat u geen krag het nie, dink ek nie hy is iemand met wie u tyd wil spandeer nie, sê Ward. Hy het gehou van afknouery. Dit was soos hierdie dwang om mense te oorheers. ”

Maar sou sy bytende persoonlikheid nie bloot 'n byproduk van sy onsekerheid wees nie? Uiteindelik kan die bespreking van Johnson se skokkende reaksie op sy presidensiële portret nie meer belas word as die nalatenskap van die man self nie. Eens 'n gevierde liberale politikus, het Johnson hom voorgestaan ​​vir progressiewe ekonomiese oorsake, toegang tot onderwys en rasse -gelykheid met sy droom vir 'n “Great Society ” op die hoogtepunt van die burgerregte -era. Maar sy rampspoedige benadering tot die oorlog in Viëtnam, wat gelei het tot die dood van meer as 58 000 Amerikaners, belet dit feitlik om hom as 'n groot president te onthou. Die vraag hoe om Lyndon B. Johnson in portret en in beleid te onthou, het nie 'n eenvoudige antwoord nie.

Hy is 'n toenemend tragiese figuur, sê Ward. Maar aan die ander kant, die punt om 'n tragiese figuur te wees, is dat jy jou eie ondergang bewerkstellig. ”


Refleksies oor die Burgerregteberaad

Maar dit sou nie waar wees nie. Johnson was 'n man van sy tyd en het die gebreke so seker gedra as wat hy probeer het om die land verby hulle te lei. Vir twee dekades in die kongres was hy 'n betroubare lid van die Suidelike blok, wat gehelp het om die wet op burgerregte te versper. Soos Caro onthou, het Johnson die laat veertigerjare spandeer teen die 'hordes barbaarse geel dwerge' in Oos -Asië. Deur die stereotipe in te dink dat swartes bang was vir slange (wie is nie bang vir slange nie?) Ry hy met een in sy bagasie na vulstasies en probeer om swart bediendes te mislei om dit oop te maak. Een keer, skryf Caro, het die stunt amper geëindig met 'n strykyster.

Dit was ook nie die soort onvolwasse rassisme van jongmanne wat Johnson uiteindelik uit die weg geruim het nie. Selfs as president is Johnson se interpersoonlike verhoudings met swartes bederf deur sy vooroordeel. Soos die jarelange Jet -korrespondent Simeon Booker in sy memoires geskryf hetSkok die gewete, vroeg in sy presidentskap, het Johnson op 'n keer Booker aangebied nadat hy 'n kritiese artikel vir Jet Magazine geskryf het en vir Booker gesê het dat hy Johnson moet "bedank" vir alles wat hy vir swart mense gedoen het. In Gebrekkige reus, Skryf die biograaf van Johnson, Robert Dallek, dat Johnson sy besluit om Thurgood Marshall aan te wys in die Hooggeregshof eerder as 'n minder bekende swart regter verduidelik het, "as ek 'n neger op die bank aanstel, wil ek hê dat almal moet weet dat hy 'n neger is."

Volgens Caro beskryf Robert Parker, Johnson se soms chauffeur, in sy memoires Capitol Hill in swart en wit 'n oomblik toe Johnson Parker vra of hy verkies om op sy naam te verwys eerder as met 'seun', 'neger' of 'hoof'. Toe Parker sê dat hy sou, het Johnson kwaad geword en gesê: 'Solank jy swart is en jy swart sal wees tot die dag dat jy sterf, sal niemand jou op jou naam noem nie. , neger, jy laat dit net soos water van jou rug afrol, en jy sal dit regkry. Maak net asof jy 'n verdomde meubelstuk is. "

Dit lyk asof Johnson moeilik is om te praat met die openbare Johnson, die een wat sy presidentskap daaraan toegewy het om die 'hindernisse van haat en terreur' tussen swart en wit af te breek.

In konserwatiewe kwartale word Johnson se rassisme - en die rassistiese vertoning wat hy vir suidelike segregasie -optredes sou aanbied - voorgehou as bewys van die demokratiese sameswering om swart kiesers op een of ander manier vas te trek, met die gebruik van Mitt Romney se terminologie, "geskenke" wat deur die sosiale veiligheidsnet. Maar as regeringshulp alles was wat nodig was om die permanente lojaliteit van geslagte kiesers te verdien, was ou wit mense op Medicare 'n sterk Demokrate.

Die beoordeling is dus ten beste kortsigtig en in die ergste geval onderskryf dit die idee dat swartes geneig is tot afhanklikheid van die regering. Dit was nie net voor Johnson nie, maar voor emansipasie. Soos Eric Foner vertel Heropbou, die burgeroorlog was nog nie verby nie, maar sommige generaals van die Unie het geglo dat swartes, wat langer as 'n eeu as 'n dwangarbeidsklas in Amerika bestaan ​​het, nogtans geleer moet word om 'te lewe' eerder as om op die regering te vertrou. vir ondersteuning. "

Miskien was die eenvoudige verduideliking, wat Johnson waarskynlik beter as die meeste verstaan ​​het, dat daar geen magiese formule is waardeur mense hulself kan bevry van vooroordeel nie, geen eindstreep wat 'n mens se siel met 'n glansryke medalje van ras toeken nie . Al wat ons kan bied, is 'n verbintenis tot geregtigheid in woord en daad, wat nagekom moet word, maar waaruit ons almal af en toe tekort skiet. Miskien, toe Johnson sê: 'Dit is nie net negers nie, maar ons almal wat die verlammende nalatenskap van dwaasheid moet oorkom', bedoel hy ons almal, insluitend homself.

Johnson se rassisme moet ook nie oorskadu wat hy gedoen het om Amerika in die rigting van die onvervulde belofte van sy stigting te dryf nie. As Republikeine sê dat hulle die Party van Lincoln is, bedoel hulle nie dat hulle swart mense na Wes -Afrika wil deporteer nie, of dat hulle teen swart stemreg is, of om partye die bevoegdheid te gee om vrymanne te verhinder om te migreer daar is alle opsies wat Lincoln oorweeg het. Hulle bedoel dat hulle die party is wat die slawe -ryk van die Konfederasie verpletter het en gehelp het om swart Amerikaners uit slawerny te bevry.

Maar ons moet ook nie Johnson se rassisme vergeet nie. Na Johnson se dood sou Parker nadink oor die Johnson wat die historiese wetsontwerpe vir burgerregte wat die Amerikaanse apartheid formeel beëindig het, voorstaan, en skryf: "Ek was mal daaroor Lyndon Johnson." Toe onthou hy die president wat hom 'n neger noem, en hy skryf: 'Ek haat die Lyndon Johnson.'


LBJ se medalje vir dapperheid was 'n skande

Lyndon B Johnson het die grootste deel van sy politieke lewe 'n militêre versiering vir die tweede wêreldoorlog gedra vir dapperheid onder vuur, ondanks die feit dat hy nog nooit gevegte gesien het nie, het 'n ondersoek op CNN gister onthul.

LBJ is bekroon met die Silver Star, die derde hoogste Amerikaanse gevegsmedalje, vir 'n opsporingsmissie in 1942 oor die Stille Oseaan terwyl hy 'n kongreslid van Texas en waarnemende luitenant-bevelvoerder in die vloot was.

Die aanhaling, uitgereik in die naam van generaal Douglas MacArthur, het gesê dat die vliegtuig, 'n B-26-bomwerper, 'deur agt vyandige vegters onderskep is' en dat Johnson 'koelte bewys'.

Volgens die oorlewende lede van die bemanning het die vliegtuig eintlik meganiese probleme opgedoen voordat dit sy teiken bereik het en nooit onder skoot gekom nie. Geen ander bemanningslid het 'n medalje vir die missie ontvang nie.

Die biograaf van LBJ, Robert Dallek, het gesê dat die medalje die gevolg was van 'n ooreenkoms met genl MacArthur, waaronder Johnson vereer is in ruil vir 'n belofte "dat hy die president, FDR, sou steun om groter hulpbronne vir die teater in die suidwestelike Stille Oseaan te verskaf ".


Lyndon Baines Johnson

'N Groot samelewing "vir die Amerikaanse bevolking en hul medemens elders was die visie van Lyndon B. Johnson. In sy eerste ampstermyn het hy 'n van die mees uitgebreide wetgewende programme in die geskiedenis van die land behaal. oor die vinnig groeiende stryd om die kommunistiese inbreuk in Viëtnam te beperk.

Johnson is gebore op 27 Augustus 1908 in die middel van Texas, nie ver van Johnson City nie, wat sy gesin gehelp het om te vestig. Hy voel die knyp van armoede op die platteland toe hy grootword, terwyl hy deur die Southwest Texas State Teachers College (nou bekend as Texas State University-San Marcos) werk, leer hy deernis vir die armoede van ander toe hy studente van Mexikaanse afkoms leer.

In 1937 het hy 'n suksesvolle veldtog vir die Huis van Verteenwoordigers op 'n New Deal -platform beywer, effektief bygestaan ​​deur sy vrou, die voormalige Claudia "Lady Bird" Taylor, met wie hy in 1934 getroud is.

Tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog dien hy kortliks in die vloot as luitenant -bevelvoerder en wen 'n Silver Star in die Suidelike Stille Oseaan. Na ses termyne in die Huis, word Johnson verkies tot die Senaat in 1948. In 1953 word hy die jongste minderheidsleier in die geskiedenis van die Senaat, en die jaar daarna, toe die Demokrate beheer oorneem, meerderheidsleier. Met seldsame vaardigheid het hy 'n aantal belangrike Eisenhower -maatreëls bereik.

In die veldtog van 1960 is Johnson, as John F. Kennedy se lopende maat, tot vise -president verkies. Op 22 November 1963, toe Kennedy vermoor is, is Johnson as president beëdig.

Eers het hy die maatreëls gekry wat president Kennedy ten tyde van sy dood aangemoedig het-'n nuwe wetsontwerp op burgerregte en 'n belastingverlaging. Daarna het hy die nasie aangespoor "om 'n groot samelewing op te bou, 'n plek waar die betekenis van die mens se lewe ooreenstem met die wonderwerke van die mens se arbeid." In 1964 wen Johnson die presidensie met 61 persent van die stemme en het die grootste gewilde marge in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis-meer as 15 000 000 stemme. Die Great Society-program het Johnson se agenda vir die kongres in Januarie 1965 geword: hulp aan onderwys, aanvalle op siektes, Medicare, stedelike vernuwing, verfraaiing, bewaring, ontwikkeling van depressiewe streke, 'n wye stryd teen armoede, beheer en voorkoming van misdaad en misdadigheid , verwydering van hindernisse vir die stemreg. Die kongres het soms aanbevelings van Johnson vinnig aangeneem of aangepas. Miljoene bejaardes het steun gevind deur die 1965 Medicare -wysiging van die Wet op Maatskaplike Sekerheid.

Onder Johnson het die land skouspelagtige verkennings in die ruimte gedoen in 'n program wat hy sedert die begin daarvan beywer het. Toe drie ruimtevaarders in Desember 1968 suksesvol om die maan wentel, het Johnson hulle gelukgewens: "U het ons almal, oor die hele wêreld, in 'n nuwe era ingeneem...."

Tog het twee oorheersende krisisse sedert 1965 momentum gekry. Ten spyte van die aanvang van nuwe programme teen armoede en teen diskriminasie, het onrus en oproer in swart ghetto's die Nasie ontstel. President Johnson oefen geleidelik sy invloed uit teen segregasie en namens wet en orde, maar daar was geen vroeë oplossing nie.

Die ander krisis het uit Viëtnam ontstaan. Ondanks Johnson se pogings om die kommunistiese aggressie te beëindig en 'n skikking te bewerkstellig, het gevegte voortgegaan. Die kontroversie oor die oorlog het skerp geword teen einde Maart 1968, toe hy die bombardement van Noord -Viëtnam beperk het om onderhandelinge te begin. Terselfdertyd skrik hy die wêreld op deur terug te trek as kandidaat vir herverkiesing, sodat hy sy volle pogings, onbelemmerd deur die politiek, kan toewy aan die soeke na vrede.

Toe hy sy amp verlaat, was daar vredesgesprekke aan die gang, hy het nie geleef om dit suksesvol te sien nie, maar het op 22 Januarie 1973 skielik aan 'n hartaanval op sy plaas in Texas gesterf.


Gesin, vroeë lewe en opvoeding

Lyndon Baines Johnson, gebore in Stonewall, Texas, op 27 Augustus 1908, was die oudste kind van Samuel Ealy Johnson Jr. en Rebekah Baines Johnson en het vyf kinders. Die Johnson -gesin, bekend vir sy boerdery en boerdery, het voor die burgeroorlog in Texas gevestig en die nabygeleë stad Johnson City gestig in die nasleep daarvan. Johnson & aposs -pa, 'n kongreslid in Texas, was beter in die politiek as boerdery en het finansiële probleme ondervind voordat hy die familieplaas verloor het toe Johnson in sy vroeë tienerjare was.

Johnson het op skool gesukkel, maar het in 1924 gegradueer aan die Johnson City High School. Hy het hom ingeskryf by die Southwest Texas State Teachers College (nou Texas State University) en het deelgeneem aan debatte en kampuspolitiek. Nadat hy in 1930 gestudeer het, het hy kortliks onderrig gegee, maar sy politieke ambisies het reeds gestalte gekry. In 1931, Johnson won an appointment as legislative secretary to Texas Democratic Congressman Richard M. Kleberg and relocated to Washington, D.C. He quickly built a network of congressmen, newspapermen, lobbyists and friends, including aides to President Franklin D. Roosevelt.

In 1934, Johnson met Claudia Alta Taylor, known to her friends as "Lady Bird." Taylor soon became Johnson&aposs top aide. She used a modest inheritance to bankroll his 1937 run for Congress and ran his office for several years. She later bought a radio station and then a television station, which made the Johnsons wealthy. The couple had two daughters, Lynda Bird Johnson Robb and Luci Baines Johnson Turpin.


Part Two: The “Whistle Stop” Tour – LADY BIRD JOHNSON Special…

It was the fall of 1964. The November presidential election was looming as parts of the country still seethed over the Civil Rights Act President Lyndon Baines Johnson had signed into law just a few months earlier. The new legislation eliminated the so-called “Jim Crow” laws and guaranteed blacks access to all public accommodations and the right to equal employment opportunities.

First Lady Claudia “Lady Bird” Johnson, center, poses with the “hostesses” who worked the crowds during the campaign stops on the Lady Bird Special whistle-stop tour.

Many white southerners and politicians considered the law an assault on their way of life. Southern Democrats threatened to bolt as racial politics threatened to splinter the party and cost Mr. Johnson the election.

It was during this tumultuous time that Lady Bird Johnson showed the country just how much she could contribute to her husband’s presidency. In a four-day, 1,628-mile campaign trip aboard a train dubbed the Lady Bird Special, the First Lady traveled through eight southern states that were in such racial turmoil it had been deemed unsafe for President Johnson to go there himself.

The whistle-stop tour was key to garnering support for the president among rural southerners, and it propelled Lady Bird into the spotlight as an activist First Lady.

(Left: The Lady Bird Special) Born and raised in the deep, traditional South, Lady Bird understood the shock felt by southerners as they saw their lives altered by a distant government in Washington. She hoped to ease their anger and unrest by showing them that the end of segregation would improve the economic condition of the South and help move it into the modern world.

Lady Bird had grown up as a white woman of privilege accustomed to black maids whose husbands worked her father’s fields and whose children were her young playmates. As she contemplated her campaign in the South, Lady Bird felt the conflict between her loyalty to her southern roots and her belief in her husband’s vision.

“I knew the Civil Rights Act was right and I didn’t mind saying so,” Lady Bird said, “but I also loved the South and didn’t want it used as the whipping boy of the Democratic party.”

This compassion for southern tradition allowed Lady Bird to advocate her husband’s political goals and defend the idea of civil rights without alienating the southern voters.

A lounge car during the 1940s.

Lady Bird liked the idea of a train ride through the South because it would allow her to visit the rural landscape so often ignored by politicians. She said she wanted to go “to the land where the pavement runs out and city people don’t often go.” Her sentiment reflected earlier campaign advice that her husband had received from a former president. Harry S. Truman once told Johnson, “There are lots of people in this country who don’t know where the airport is, but they do know where the depot is. Go find them.” Lady Bird was going to do just that.

(Left: Lady Bird Johnson Special) After the 1964 Democratic convention, Lady Bird set about planning the trip with the help of her staff and other political wives. It was the first time a First Lady would hit the campaign trail without the president, and Lady Bird planned and executed every detail of the trip without any help from her husband.

The campaign had its skeptics. Ken O’Donnell, special assistant to Johnson, did not think that Lady Bird or the other wives would be able to organize the event. Some southern governors were not supportive of the whistle-stop idea because they feared Lady Bird’s trip might push southern voters toward segregationist politicians and bolster support for Republican presidential candidate Barry Goldwater.

Others worried that state leaders could not guarantee the first lady’s safety. Responding to concerns about assassination attempts, Lady Bird said, “I don’t think assassination is part of my destiny.” Still, organizers arranged for a separate engine to precede the Lady Bird Special by 15 minutes to clear the track of potential bombs.

On September 11, Lady Bird called every governor, senator and congressman in the eight southern states she planned to visit. Perceived by the public as soft and gracious, Lady Bird used those perceptions to attract the southern politicians to her train. “I’m thinking of coming down and campaigning in your state and I’d love your advice,” Lady Bird would tell them in her soft southern drawl.

While most of her calls were successful, several politicians turned down Lady Bird’s invitation to join her on the Lady Bird Special. Among those who refused were Sen. Willis Robertson of Virginia, Sen. Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, Governor Dick Russell of Georgia, North Carolina governor nominee Dan Moore, and Louisiana governor John McKeithen. Lady Bird did not bother to call Alabama governor George Wallace, the country’s most vehement opponent to civil rights.

“There was no use in calling Governor George Wallace,” she said in her diary. “I doubt it would even be courteous to do so.”

Lady Bird with President Johnson. The private car’s Pullman porter stands to the left.

On October 6, Lady Bird boarded the 19-car train with her husband, and embarked on her four-day whistle-stop tour. After the 15-minute ride to Alexandria, Va., the president disembarked from the Lady Bird Special, and the First Lady was on her own. At each stop, 15 hostesses would escort local politicians and supporters of President Johnson on to the train for a brief meeting with the First Lady and to pose for photos.

Lady Bird Johnson aboard the train with guests.

She often used southern cuisine to win people’s affection, serving state specialties and distributing recipes for particular southern dishes. Her appeal to the southern appetite worked to identify her with her southern roots. In Wilson, North Carolina, a local politician introduced Lady Bird by saying she was “as much a part of the South as tobacco, peanuts, and red-eye gravy.”

“For me this trip has been a source of anxiety and anticipation,” Lady Bird said at the start of the whistle-stop. “Anxiety because I am not used to whistle-stopping without my husband anticipation because I am returning to familiar territory and heading into a region I call home.”

As she had expected, but had hoped to avoid, Lady Bird encountered angry southerners protesting her husband and his civil rights agenda. She continually found herself having to placate people who called her husband a “nigger-lover” without condoning their racism. As she pulled into Richmond, Va., Lady Bird was greeted by a big banner that read “Fly Away Lady Bird. Here in Richmond, Barry is the Cat’s Meow.” In Columbia, South Carolina, people booed and heckled Lady Bird during her speech so that she could not be heard. The state hosts were unable to quiet the hecklers, but with a raised, white-gloved hand and a firm voice, Lady Bird silenced the crowd.

“This is a country of many viewpoints,” she told the Columbia crowd. “I respect your right to express your own. Now it is my turn to express mine. Thank you.”

Years later, Washington Post publisher Katharine Graham reflected on Lady Bird’s success on her southern tour, noting that “she talked with such authority because she belonged there.”

But Lady Bird’s appeal for respect failed in Charleston, South Carolina, where the boos and catcalls did not stop. The organizers knew that the people of Charleston would voice significant opposition to Johnson, but had included it in the tour because Lady Bird did not want to shun the towns typically avoided by Democrats.

Lady Bird “wanted to go where other Democrats weren’t going,” said Liz Carpenter, Lady Bird’s press secretary. “In 1964, anybody could go to Atlanta and speak out for civil rights and still get out with their hides on. She told us to give her the tough towns. And so we took Charleston.”

The train and hostesses…

As the Lady Bird Special crossed into northern Florida, the Secret Service received an anonymous report that the train might be bombed. FBI and other law enforcement officers swept a 7-mile bridge that the train was scheduled to cross, while a security helicopter and several boats escorted the train across the bridge.

Despite the opposition, media reports widely praised Lady Bird’s whistle-stop trip, and credited it with having a profound impact on President Johnson’s prospects for victory. An editorial in the Atlanta Constitutionsaid that the whistle-stop tour reminded southerners that the president was “the son of a southern tenant farmer and that he asks for the vote of this state not as a distant theorist but as a native southerner who understands his kin.” The editorial asked its readers, “Can Georgia turn away… from the first southern president in a century? That question goes deep, and so did Mrs. Johnson’s visit.”

As the Lady Bird Special pulled into New Orleans on Oct. 9, a huge multiracial crowd joined President Johnson in meeting Lady Bird at the end of her tour. Mr. Johnson was there to thank her for her tireless and courageous efforts. In four days, Lady Bird had made 47 speeches in 47 towns to approximately 500,000 southerners. Speaking to the crowd at the train terminal, Lady Bird said, “I am aware that there are those who would exploit the South’s past troubles to their own advantage, but I do not believe that the majority of the South wants any part of the old business.”

Lady Bird had embarked on her political tour at a time when only 30 percent of married women had jobs, and only 20 percent of women with children were employed. She demonstrated the political prowess women were capable of before feminism became a mainstream force in American society.

After Lady Bird’s tour ended, syndicated columnist Max Freedman wrote that the whistle-stop campaign made clear that Lady Bird was “no passive partner” in her marriage. “Perhaps this marks the emergence of women as central figures in a national contest instead of being on the edges of a campaign,” Freedman wrote.

LADY BIRD SPECIAL
By Meredith Hindley | HUMANITIES, May/June 2013

Dinner in the dining car.

Just before dawn on Tuesday, October 6, 1964, the Lady Bird Special pulled away from Track 12 at Union Station. Over the next four days, the nineteen-car train carried First Lady Claudia “Lady Bird” Johnson on a whistle-stop tour of the South, covering 1,682 miles from Washington, D.C., to New Orleans. Johnson wasn’t going to be sitting quietly and smiling pleasantly while her husband did all of the talking. Instead, she was going to make speech after speech from the back of the train, telling folks in towns big and small why they should vote the Democratic ticket. Before it was over, she would make forty-seven speeches, shake hands with more than one thousand Democratic leaders, and speak before more than two hundred thousand people. It was the first time that a first lady had campaigned alone, without her spouse. Not even Eleanor Roosevelt had done it.

Laura Bush, Michelle Obama, and other first ladies have stumped for their husbands. But, in 1964, it was a decidedly uncommon event, made more so by Johnson’s choice of where to go. The South had become hostile territory for Democrats because of the party ’s role in championing civil rights. And no candidate was more identified with civil rights than Lyndon Baines Johnson.

Several factors made the 1964 election especially contentious. President Kennedy had been assassinated, Cold War hostilities with the Soviet Union were a grave concern after the Cuban Missile Crisis, and Americans had good reason to feel they were living through a moment of great social change. President Johnson had become the major advocate of civil rights legislation among officeholders, while the Republican candidate, Senator Barry Goldwater, tapped into a significant stream of negative feeling against an activist federal government.

The campaign was extraordinarily negative: Democrats showed, though only once, the famous “Daisy” ad, equating a Goldwater presidency with nuclear destruction. Critics of the civil rights movement used blatantly racist language and the threat of violence to make their case.
Goldwater had voted against the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which LBJ had maneuvered through Congress with skills he had learned over three decades on the Hill and by invoking the fallen president’s memory. Goldwater, an early favorite, had stumbled badly, and, with two months to go before Election Day, the momentum clearly favored Johnson, who, craving validation, wanted a margin of victory large enough to smash any doubts that he had gotten to the White House on his own steam.

In September, a Gallup poll gave Johnson a 69 percent to 31 percent lead. So far ahead, the Johnson campaign could have ceded the South to the Republicans. Even if every state in the region went for Goldwater, Johnson could still garner almost 400 electoral votes, far surpassing the 270 needed to win. But Johnson wasn’t a man to shrink from a fight, and Lady Bird believed an effort needed to be made to court Southern voters. As a native of Texas with relatives in Alabama and Louisiana, the first lady knew there was more to the South than angry white men who opposed civil rights.

“I have a strong sentimental, family, deep tie to the South, and I thought the South was getting a bad rap from the nation and indeed the world,” she recalled years later in her oral history. “It was painted as a bastion of ignorance and prejudice and all sorts of ugly things. It was my country, and although I knew I couldn’t be all that persuasive to them, at least I could talk to them in language they would understand. Maybe together we could do something to help Lyndon and then perhaps to change the viewpoint of some of those newspaper people who were traveling with me.”

The extensive oral history that Lady Bird did in conjunction with the Lyndon B. Johnson Presidential Library reveals a gracious woman who continued to grow with each new challenge thrust upon her. Michael Gillette, director of Humanities Texas, conducted the majority of the interviews and has edited the newly declassified transcripts into the highly readable Lady Bird Johnson: An Oral History, from which some of the material for this article was drawn.
The whistle-stop tour was in many ways a culmination of Lady Bird’s political education. At loose ends after finishing a journalism degree at the University of Texas, she fell hard for Lyndon, a strapping, dark-haired law student with a boisterous personality and ambition enough for both of them. After an intense ten-week courtship by letter, she agreed to marry him. When Lyndon ran for Congress in 1937, she used her inheritance to stake his campaign. When he went off to fight in World War II, she ran his congressional office. Even after the birth of their two daughters, Lynda (1944) and Luci (1947), her involvement continued to grow. “She was faced with a dilemma in her life as to whether she would make her husband’s career her top priority or whether she would stay home with her daughters. She chose the former,” says Gillette.

Johnson also became more confident in her abilities. “Nineteen forty-eight was really her debut,” says Gillette of LBJ’s successful campaign for the Senate. “She did more than say thank you for the barbecue and sit down. She gave a full-blown speech and went around the state campaigning for LBJ.” As her public role expanded, Johnson enlisted a speech coach to help fine-tune her delivery. During the 1960 presidential election, Kennedy asked Johnson if she would court the women’s vote in place of his wife, Jackie, who was pregnant and worried about a miscarriage. She logged thirty-five thousand miles, eleven states, and one hundred fifty events with her husband.

Before embarking on the whistle-stop tour, she told the Christian Science Monitor, “For me, and probably for most women, the attempt to become an involved, practicing citizen has become a matter of evolution rather than choice. Actually, if given a choice between lying in a hammock under an apple tree with a book of poetry and watching the blossoms float down, or standing on a platform before thousands of people, I don’t have to tell you what I would have chosen twenty-five years ago.”

The original idea for a whistle-stop tour came from Harry Truman, who had suggested that LBJ undertake one for the 1960 election. “You may not believe this, Lyndon,” said Truman, “but there are still a hell of a lot of people in this country who don’t know where the airport is. But they damn sure know where the depot is. And if you let ‘em know you’re coming, they’ll be down and listen to you.” Over the course of five days in October 1960, LBJ covered eight southern states and thirty-five hundred miles. Now it was Lady Bird’s turn. Whereas the president had been waging a bare-knuckle brawl, the first lady would wage a charm offensive. She would talk about her husband’s accomplishments, the goals for his administration, and how the federal government had helped each community. She would praise local heroes. What she wouldn’t do was scold southerners about civil rights.

The tour, organized out of the East Wing, was primarily a woman-planned, woman-run operation. Johnson had the capable and charming Bess Abell as her social secretary and Liz Carpenter as her press secretary and staff director. A former reporter, Carpenter had cut her teeth on the Kennedy-Johnson campaign and went on to serve as the vice president’s executive assistant, the first woman to hold the position. Kenny O’Donnell, LBJ’s principal campaign adviser, wasn’t sure Lady Bird’s plan would work. “He sat sphinx-like in meetings with me—half laughing at the whole idea and obviously feeling that neither the South nor women were important in the campaign,” wrote Carpenter in her memoir, Ruffles and Flourishes. The president, however, loved the idea and pored over maps with the first lady, tracing railroad lines and making suggestions for where to stop.

The trip also received a helping hand from congressional wives—Lindy Boggs of Louisiana, Betty Talmadge of Georgia, and Carrie Davis of Tennessee. Virginia Russell, wife of Donald Russell, the outgoing governor of South Carolina, stayed for three weeks in a guest room at the White House to assist with the planning. “The South may have its shortages—in nutrition and education—but I will match the political talents of Southern women against any others, anytime and anyplace,” wrote Carpenter. “They have the uncanny ability to look fragile and lovely as a magnolia blossom, and still possess the managerial ability of an AFL-CIO organizer.”

The first lady spent Friday, September 11, personally calling governors and congressmen in the eight states that she would pass through to invite them to board the train. North Carolina senators Sam Ervin and Everett Jordan said yes, but Senator A. Willis Robertson of Virginia would be away hunting antelope. Harry Byrd of Virginia also declined, citing the recent death of his wife. Byrd may have been in mourning, but the pro-segregation senator was also quietly organizing “Democrats for Goldwater.” As an antidote to the Lady Bird Special, he arranged for Strom Thurmond, South Carolina senator and die-hard Dixiecrat, to campaign for Goldwater on the day the first lady passed through Virginia. Thurmond, of course, politely declined Johnson’s request, but South Carolina’s senior senator, Olin Johnston, accepted. Lady Bird knew better than to ask Alabama governor George Wallace, a virulent segregationist. “I doubt it would even be courteous to do so,” she recorded in her diary.

Tuesday, October 6

The Lady Bird Special departed Washington just before dawn. The jewel of the train was the “Queen Mary,” a special observation car built thirty-four years earlier by the Wabash Railroad and rescued from a Pennsylvania junkyard. The car had received a hasty makeover, starting with a shiny new red, white, and blue paint job on the exterior. A brass platform for speechmaking was fitted on to the back. The inside of the car, which served as a rolling reception room, was painted light blue and decorated with family photos and campaign posters. For all of its old-school charm, the “Queen Mary” lacked modern air-conditioning, requiring a constant supply of ice to keep the car cool. At each stop, an advance man from the campaign arranged for blocks of ice to be loaded onto the base of the train. The next to last car consisted of living and sleeping quarters for Johnson and her daughters. Painted a deep green, it was quickly dubbed “the green room of the White House.”

The remaining cars were stuffed to capacity with campaign staff and more than two hundred reporters, who ranged from old political hands to foreign correspondents, eager to see the traveling spectacle. To help “Nawthern” reporters understand the South, Carpenter prepared a tongue-in-cheek “Dixie Dictionary.” “Tall cotton” was what southerners walk through due to Johnson prosperity. “Kissin’ Kin” was anyone who would come down to the depot. A “Fat Back” was a rich Democrat who had turned Republican, but now had the good sense to return to the Democratic fold. Frances Lewine, a reporter for the Associated Press, filed a story about the dictionary, only to have it yanked from the wires for containing “objectionable material.”

A dining car kept reporters nourished with Southern-inspired snacks and Johnson family favorites—everything from pickled okra to crab dip to guacamole and chili con queso. The recipes were printed up in newspapers, so others could have a taste of Johnson’s hospitality.

As the Lady Bird Special made its first stop in Alexandria, Virginia, the sun was barely poking above the Potomac River. Five thousand people turned out to see the first lady, who wore an “American beauty red wool dress and jacket,” and her daughter Lynda, who sported a “black and white checkered jacket and elbow length blue gloves.” Three high school bands played “Yellow Rose of Texas.”

I wanted to make this trip because I am proud of the South and I am proud that I am part of the South,” Johnson told the crowd. The country needed to look for the ties that “bind us together, not settle for the tensions that tend to divide us.” She praised the response of local government across the South to the civil rights law. The crowd didn’t cheer that line, nor did they roar when the president, who had come to see his wife off, mentioned his running mate, Hubert Humphrey, a senator from Minnesota with a strong record on civil rights.

After kissing his wife on the cheek, LBJ boarded a helicopter for the short trip back to the White House. But Lady Bird wasn’t alone. Louisiana congressman and majority whip Hale Boggs signed up as her escort for the entire trip. She also had her staff, congressional wives, and a phalanx of Secret Service agents. A steady stream of guests boarded at each stop, with the travel time between stations used for photographs and chitchat. To keep from being over-whelmed with flowers, which appeared by the bushel, arrangements were made for bouquets to be given to hospitals and retirement homes farther up the line.

The train stopped next in Fredericksburg, Ashland, Richmond, and Petersburg. Five miles out from the depot, the speakers on the train started blaring, “Hello Lyndon!” Composer Jerry Herman, a Johnson supporter, had rewritten the words to the title song from his smash Broadway hit, Hello Dolly! “Hello, Lyndon! Hello, Lyndon! It’s so nice to have you there where you belong!” To ensure that crowds turned out to greet the train, more than sixty “advance women” had descended on towns along the route three or four days before the whistle-stop tour ’s arrival. They met with local officials, courted garden and community clubs, and put out press releases. “One of them was named Mrs. Robert E. Lee, and I wish to gosh every one of their names had been Mrs. Robert E. Lee,” said Carpenter in her oral history.

For the brief stops, which lasted between five to twenty minutes, Johnson and the politicians who had joined her would speak from the back of the train. As they talked, fifteen hostesses with Southern drawls, outfitted in Breton straw sailor hats, royal blue dresses, and white gloves, floated through the crowd, handing out peppermint taffy, balloons, buttons, pennants, and campaign memorabilia.

After stopping in Suffolk on the way to the Atlantic coast, the train rolled into Norfolk at midday for a rally and flag-raising ceremony at Norfolk Civic Center. More than fifteen hundred people lined the five-block route, while another five thousand gathered on the center ’s plaza, along with high school bands and rifle squad.

From Norfolk, it was on to North Carolina, where the first stop was Ahoskie, a town of forty-five hundred. The sheriff estimated, however, that ten thousand people turned out to see the first lady. “This is the second biggest crowd we’ve had since Buffalo Bill brought his Wild West show here in 1916,” a resident told the Chicago Tribune. In A White House Diary, Johnson recalled a woman in Ahoskie who pushed her way through the crowd to shake her hand. The woman said, “I got up at 3 o’clock this morning and milked twenty cows so I could get here by train time!”

Large crowds and a growing number of protestors turned out to see her in Tarboro, Rocky Mount, and Wilson. During the planning for the trip, Carpenter, worried about the vagaries of press interest, had told the president that she thought they would “need beefing up by the time we get to Raleigh.” LBJ responded, “I’ll be there.”

After a stop in the little town of Selma, the train rolled into Raleigh, and LBJ joined Lady Bird for a rally at North Carolina State College. Fourteen thousand people jammed Reynolds Coliseum. Carpenter ’s plan worked. Reporters who might have passed on covering the first lady could not ignore a campaign stop by the president, and Lady Bird’s spirits were lifted. “He knew we needed a stimulant then to keep the train going,” she said in her oral history. “I always felt that he was sorry he wasn’t along every bit of the way.”

Wednesday, October 7

Before noon, the Lady Bird Special stopped in Durham, Greensboro, and Thomasville. Twenty-five thousand people gathered for a lunchtime rally at Charlotte’s Independence Square. In early afternoon, the train crossed into South Carolina, stopping first in Rock Hill, a town that made headlines in February 1961 when nine African-American men were arrested for attempting to desegregate a lunch counter. Then, in May of that year, a bus carrying the original thirteen Freedom Riders, a group dedicated to desegregating interstate travel, arrived in Rock Hill. Three of the riders, one of whom was John Lewis, attempting to enter the whites-only waiting room in the Greyhound bus terminal, were beaten by a group of white men.

Three years later, Johnson was received as a friendly visitor. “The sign on the dusty railway station said ‘Rock Hill,’” reported the Charlotte Observer. “But for 10 thrilling minutes Wednesday it was Petticoat Junction—and the men in the First Lady ’s party took a back seat. Eight thousand yelling, cheering people looked right past a governor, a senator, and dozens of other high-ranking Democrats. They fastened their eyes on a dark-haired woman in a red dress and on her pretty daughter, dressed in green. . . . The roar of approval left no doubt that the thousands gathered here were glad to claim the First Lady as a kissin’ cousin.”

At every train stop, reporters mingled with the crowd in search of local color, which is how Gloria Negri, reporter for the Boston Globe, found herself stranded in Chester. Before the train departed, a bell sounded to let the reporters know that they had two minutes to get back on the train. Unable to make the step up, Negri watched as the Lady Bird Special pulled away, the sound of “Happy Days Are Here Again” trailing in its wake. Carpenter had told reporters that if they were left behind, they should find the campaign’s advance man for a lift to the next stop—or better yet, stay in town, become a resident, and vote for Johnson.

When she couldn’t find the advance man, Negri appealed to Chester ’s deputy sheriff, William L. Nunnery, for help. At first the deputy didn’t believe her story, suggesting that she might be a Republican spy. “But chivalry is not dead in the South,” declared Negri. With the siren screaming and the speedometer reaching eighty on the twisting back roads, Nunnery gave Negri a ride to the next stop, arriving in Winnsboro as the Lady Bird Special pulled in.

After Chester and Winnsboro, the train stopped in Columbia, where Johnson encountered her first serious group of protestors. Goldwater supporters chanted “We want Barry!” upon her arrival. By the time the first lady and her contingent stepped onto the speaking platform in front of the station, a vocal war of “We want Barry!” versus “We want Lyndon!” had erupted. The hecklers quieted down for the prayer, but fired up again as Johnson was about to begin her speech. The first lady, sun glaring in her eyes, faced the crowd without her usual smile.

She spoke of LBJ’s role in negotiating the Test Ban Treaty. “That treaty came at the end of a long, hard path of negotiations, and my husband is proud to have played a part in gaining this measure of safety for the people of the world.” The heckling started again, but she’d had enough. Lifting her white gloved hand, she silenced the Goldwater supporters: “This is a country of many viewpoints. I respect your opportunity to express your viewpoint. Now it’s my opportunity to present mine.”

More hecklers awaited Johnson in Orangeburg, a John Birch stronghold. Her reception grew less gracious with each stop, which she knew would happen. “In 1964, anybody could go to Atlanta and speak out for civil rights and still get out with their hides on,” observed Carpenter. “She told us to give her the tough towns. And so we took Charleston.” There, she again appealed for civility, but failed to sway the Goldwater supporters, who drowned out her speech with their chants and boos. One heckler told the New York Times that the president was communist because “he supports niggers.”

Thursday, October 8

Before leaving Charleston, Johnson toured The Battery by carriage, forcing more than a hundred reporters on foot to try and keep pace with a bay mare named Jimmy and a palomino named Sport. Touring the antebellum homes with their pastel facades and sprawling white verandas would have offered a pleasant break, if not for the signs on one door after another saying, “This House is Sold on Goldwater.”

Next, the train headed for Georgia and the Deep South, beginning the two most challenging days of the trip. In Savannah, a crowd of 15,000 turned out for a lunchtime rally. The Goldwater supporters were also back, carrying signs that read, “This is Goldwater Country ” and “Down the Drain With Lyndon Baines.” When a pastor tried to deliver the invocation, he was drowned out with shouts of “We Want Barry!” Georgia governor Carl Sanders, a Democrat who supported desegregation, received similar treatment. The first lady talked right through the taunts, and even shook the hand of one of the protestors. When the Chicago Tribune asked the hecklers why they had come, one replied: “If we hadn’t come, the newspapers might have said ‘Savannah is solidly behind Johnson.’ It’s not.”

As the train made its way from Georgia into Florida, the Secret Service received an anonymous tip about a bomb threat. Before the train made its way across a seven-mile bridge, the FBI and local law enforcement officials surveyed it for explosives. Despite the “all clear,” the train received an escort by boat, while a helicopter kept watch overhead.

Friday, October 9

The final day of the whistle-stop tour was a whirlwind ride through Florida’s panhandle, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana. With each stop, Johnson’s accent grew a little thicker, a little more Southern. After stops in DeFuniak Springs, Crestview, Milton, and Pensacola, the Lady Bird Special rolled into Alabama. In Flomaton, population twenty-five hundred, Johnson told the crowd how her summer vacations consisted of “swimming in the creek, watermelon cuttings, hayrides and visiting aunts and cousins in Selma and Montgomery and Billingsley and Prattville.” Also waiting for her at Flomaton was a grand bouquet of red roses sent by Governor George Wallace, a very unexpected gesture.

In Mobile, the Goldwater supporters were back, but so was Johnson’s inherent graciousness. "Mev. Johnson was the most relaxed, the most fiery and the most appealing of all the days of her history-making whistlestopping tour of the South,” declared the Chicago Tribune. “Ah’m home,” Johnson told the enthusiastic crowd who had gathered in front of Phoenix No. 6, a restored firehouse, in downtown Mobile. After dedicating the firehouse, Johnson received the key to the city and was made an honorary chief of the fire department.

“I am proud to be in a state where my mother and father were born and raised and being in Mobile is in part a sentimental journey for me. I’m mighty glad to be in that part of the country where, although you might not like all I say, at least you understand the way I say it,” she told the crowd. “Standing here today, I feel that having spent so many summers of my past here and having traveled quite some since, I can speak of what the new South means to the nation. I can talk about the warmth and courtesy of the South of my youth, which will never change, and about the new South that I saw at Huntsville where man turns his face to the moon, and the new South I see here in Mobile.”

In Mississippi, the train made one stop, in Biloxi, where Johnson emphasized how Keesler Air Force base, home to 17,000, pumped federal dollars into the local economy. It was a tactic she’d used repeatedly over the previous three days: keep mum on civil rights while reminding the local residents of how the federal government helped their community.

Johnson passed through Mississippi without incident, but not for a lack of trying on the part of the Ku Klux Klan. During a hearing before the House Committee on Un-American Activities in January 1966, testimony revealed that Louis Di Salvo, a barber and gunrunner for the Ku Klux Klan in Mississippi, had attempted to recruit the KKK chapter in Poplarville to bomb the Lady Bird Special as it passed through the state.

After Biloxi, there was only one more stop, New Orleans, the culmination of the four-day trip. When the Lady Bird Special pulled into Union Station, the president was waiting with open arms for his wife. "Mev. Johnson embraced her husband as if they had been separated for three years instead of three days, and prolonged the clasp for the benefit of television cameras,” wrote the Chicago Tribune. Forty thousand supporters, mostly African American, had also been bused in for the rally.

“This was not only a sentimental journey, but a political one,” she told the crowd. “I came because I want to say that for this president and his wife, we appreciate you and care about you, and we have faith in you.” She and the president had “too much respect for the South to take it for granted and too much closeness to it to ignore it.” Johnson also made her first reference to civil rights since the send-off in Alexandria, Virginia. “I do not believe that the majority of the South wants any part of the old bitterness, and the more I have seen these last few days, the more I know that is true.”

The first lady’s work, however, wasn’t done. She and the president made their way down Canal Street, riding in an open car, to attend a campaign fund-raising dinner at the Jung Hotel. At the dinner, LBJ delivered a speech that would further help to galvanize his campaign, presenting himself as a statesman who would not shrink from taking a stand. “If we are to heal our history and make this nation whole, prosperity must know no Mason-Dixon line and opportunity must know no color line,” he told those gathered. “Whatever your views are, we have a Constitution and we have a Bill of Rights, and we have the law of the land, and two-thirds of the Democrats in the Senate voted for it [the civil rights bill] and three-fourths of the Republicans. I signed it, and I am going to enforce it, and . . . any man that is worthy of the high office of president is going to do the same thing.”

All the Way with LBJ

Four weeks later, the nation decided to go “All the Way with LBJ,” voting Johnson into the White House with 61.1 percent of the popular vote. No candidate had made such a sweep since the election of 1820. He also netted 486 electoral votes to Goldwater ’s 52. Of the eight states visited by the Lady Bird Special, Johnson won three—Virginia, North Carolina, and Florida. The other five—South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana—went to Goldwater. The Republicans also claimed Goldwater ’s home state of Arizona.

While a short episode in the acrimonious campaign of 1964, the Lady Bird Special reaped tangible benefits for the Johnson-Humphrey ticket. In her pleasant Southern manner, the first lady had delivered the message that Democrats and her husband hadn’t written off the South over conflicting views regarding civil rights. Democratic leaders who had demurred on endorsing Johnson, because of his stance on civil rights, climbed aboard the Lady Bird Special. The tour mobilized Democratic support in communities that had previously been untapped. It also generated a feel-good story about the Johnson campaign that became fodder for newspapers and nightly newscasts. Reports of Goldwater supporters showing a lack of respect for the first lady didn’t hurt either.

After the election, the first lady and the women who had ridden the Lady Bird Special once again joined forces to promote Head Start, a program aimed at providing an educational and nutritional boost to low-income children.

The Lady Bird Special, which Johnson called “a marvelous, utterly exhausting adventure,” came to hold a special place in her heart. “Scores of times since that October as I have stood in a receiving line someone would come up and say, ‘I rode with you on the Whistlestop’—and we would clasp hands with a warmth and rush of memories of that very special time, those four most dramatic days in my political life.”

Pullman Porters – Service not Servitude

During the century spanning the years 1868-1968, the African-American railroad attendant’s presence on the train became a tradition within the American scene. By the 1920s, a peak decade for the railroads, 20,224 African-Americans were working as Pullman Porters and train personnel. At that time, this was the largest category of black labor in the United States and Canada.

At one time the Pullman Company was the largest hotel in the world – with over 100,000 passengers every-night in their sleeping cars.

The Pullman Porters organized and founded the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters in 1925. The BSCP was the very first African-American labor union to sign a collective bargaining agreement with a major U.S. corporation. A. Philip Randolph was the determined, dedicated, and articulate president of this union who fought to improve the working conditions and pay for the Pullman Porters.

The porters had tried to organize since the begining of the century. The wages and working conditions were below average for decades. For example, the porters were required to work 400 hours per month or 11,000 miles—whichever occurred first to receive full pay. Porters depended on the passengers’ tips in order to earn a decent level of pay. Typically, the porters’ tips were more than their monthly salary earned from the Pullman Company. After many years of suffering these types of conditions, the porters united with A. Philip Randolph as their leader. Finally, having endured threats from the Pullman Company such as job loss and harassment, the BSCP forced the company to the bargaining table. On August 25, 1937, after 12 years of battle, the BSCP was recognized as the official union of the Pullman Porters.

Protected by the union, the job of a Pullman Porter was one of economic stability and held high social prestige in the African-American community. A. Philip Randolph utilized the power of the labor union and the unity that it represented to demand significant social changes for African-Americans nationally. The museum’s exhibits tell the story of the power of unity, leadership, action, organization, and determination. This story is one of ordinary men who did extraordinary things. A. Philip Randolph and the members of the BSCP understood the power of collective work and community involvement. They improved the quality of life for themselves and made sure that their efforts improved the lives of those who were to follow. They worked together to fight many battles and they won many victories for African-American people. They demonstrated and personified the meaning of the word brotherhood. These African-American men were American heroes.