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Die eerste swart man wat tot die kongres verkies is, kon amper nie sit nie


Hiram Rhodes Revels het op Capitol Hill aangekom om die eerste swart lid van die Amerikaanse kongres in 1870 te neem. Maar eers het die Republikeinse Mississippi voor die kant van die Demokrate vasbeslote om hom te blokkeer.

Die Grondwet vereis dat senatore ten minste nege jaar lank burgerskap moet hê, en hulle het aangevoer Revels het eers onlangs 'n burger geword met die Wet op Burgerregte van 1866 en die 14de Wysiging. Voor dit het die Hooggeregshof in 1857 beslis Dred Scott besluit dat swart mense nie Amerikaanse burgers was nie.

Hierdie tegniesheid was eintlik nie hul belangrikste probleem met Revels nie. Destyds was die Demokrate die party van wit suidelike mans, en hulle wou eenvoudig geen swart mans in die kongres hê nie.

Hulle regsargument van slegte trou het in elk geval nie gestaan ​​nie. Revel se mede -Republikeine het aangevoer dat hy as 'n vry man in die Verenigde State gebore is en sy hele lewe daar gewoon het. Dred Scott Dit was 'n slegte besluit wat nog nooit geneem moes word nie, wat die Wet op Burgerregte en die 14de Wysiging wou regstel, het hulle aangevoer. Net omdat die wet pas onlangs swart burgerskap erken het, het dit nie beteken dat hy 'n 'nuwe' burger was nie.

"Mnr. Revels, die bruin senator van Mississippi, is vanmiddag gesweer en in sy sitplek opgeneem, ”berig hy Die New York Times op 25 Februarie 1870. “Mr. Revels het geen verleentheid getoon nie, en sy gedrag was so waardig as wat onder die omstandighede verwag kon word. Die mishandeling wat hom die afgelope twee dae op hom en op sy wedloop uitgeoefen het, het moontlik iemand se senuwees laat skud. ”

Revels het sy eed afgelê slegs vyf jaar na die burgeroorlog. Gedurende die volgende dekade neem nog 15 swart mans hul sitplekke in die Huis en die Senaat in, waaronder mans soos die kongreslid van Suid -Carolina, Robert Smalls, wat voorheen slawe was.

"Dit weerspieël regtig wat 'n revolusionêre periode Heropbou was", sê Gregory Downs, professor in geskiedenis aan die Universiteit van Kalifornië, Davis. Die kongres het die weermag beveel om swart suidelike mans te registreer om in 1867 te stem. stem en selfs verkies word om die Grondwet te herskep. ”

Die groot bevolking van voorheen verslaafde mense het beteken dat daar baie meer swart kiesers in die suide was as in die noorde (en eintlik het sommige noordelike state nie swart mans eers na die suidelike state bevoordeel nie). Swart mans het Swart verteenwoordigers en wit Republikeine plaaslik en op staatsvlak verkies, wat gelei het tot verteenwoordiging op federale vlak.

Maar die mense wat beswaar gemaak het daarteen dat Revels by die senaat sou aansluit, was nog steeds mal, en dit was net 'n kwessie van tyd voordat daar 'n terugslag was. In die 1870's het organisasies soos die White League en die Red Shirts swart mans begin terroriseer en intimideer, sodat hulle nie sou stem en aan die regering sou deelneem nie.

As gevolg van hierdie taktiek, "die hoogte van die nasionale swart kragwagte in die middel van die 1870's," sê Downs. "Maar wat van die 1880's tot die middel van die 1890's nog steeds van krag is, is 'n enorme hoeveelheid swart plaaslike politieke mag wat gesentreer is in die streke waar swart mense 'n groot meerderheid is."

Ook dit is aangeval omdat Jim Crow -wette, meningspeilings en ander rassistiese maatreëls oor die hele suide versprei het. "In die 1890's en vroeë 1900's kry u die wette wat daarop gemik is om feitlik alle swart kiesers permanent uit te sluit om deel te neem," sê Downs. "Die laaste swart kongreslid uit die suide is George White wat in 1901 sy afskeidsrede, die Phoenix -toespraak, hou."

Na White was daar nie meer lede van die Swart Kongres uit die oorspronklike 11 Konfederale state nie, tot 1973, toe Andrew Young, Jr., van Georgia en Barbara Jordan van Texas (albei Demokrate) hul sitplek inneem. Die verkiesing van Jordanië was veral belangrik, want sy het gekom net nadat Shirley Chisholm in New York in 1969 die eerste swart kongresvrou geword het-'n volle eeu na emansipasie.

LEES MEER: Swart geskiedenis mylpale


Die eerste swart Amerikaanse senator het na die burgeroorlog aangevoer vir integrasie

Hiram Rhodes Revels het protes van blanke senatore ondervind toe hy in 1870 sy ampseed afgelê het.

Weeklikse nuusbrief

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Ondanks 'n dae lange geskreeu van Demokratiese senatore wat probeer het om die eerste Afro-Amerikaanse lid van die Amerikaanse kongres te keer om sy setel in te neem, is Hiram Rhodes Revels uiteindelik vandag 150 jaar gelede in die party by die senaat ingeneem.

Revels is deur die Republikeine in Mississippi aangestel, aangesien senatore destyds deur die staatswetgewer gekies is in plaas van deur algemene stemme. Revels het as wethouder gedien in Natchez, Mississippi, nadat hy hom daar gevestig het nadat hy deur die land gereis het as minister, opvoeder en kapelaan vir die Unie -leër. Toe hy in Washington, DC aankom om ingesweer te word, het Revels protes gekry van die minderheids -demokrate.

'Daar was nie 'n sentimeter staan- of sitkamer in die galerye nie, so dig was dit gepak,' volgens Die New York Times, "En om te sê dat die belangstelling intens was, gee maar 'n flou idee van die gevoel wat gedurende die hele proses geheers het." 'N Atmosfeer van vurige argumente het in die kamer ontstaan ​​in die paar dae van beraadslaging oor die vraag of die eerste swart senator in die liggaam toegelaat moet word, maar die Tye dui slegs op die beledigende, rassistiese taal wat na Revels en sy verdedigers geslinger is.

Teken in en kry onbeperkte toegang tot ons aanlyn tydskrifargief.

Die amptelike argument wat teen Revels gebruik is, was dat hy nie nege jaar lank 'n Amerikaanse burger was om in aanmerking te kom vir die Amerikaanse senaat nie. Alhoewel Revels as 'n vry man gebore is - in 1827 - het demokratiese senatore aangevoer dat die Wet op Burgerregte van 1866 die burgemeester van Mississippi slegs vier jaar burgerskap gegee het. Verskeie Republikeine was van mening dat dit 'n absurde argument was, en dat die senaat Revels moet stem en 'n nuwe tydperk van verteenwoordiging vir Afro -Amerikaners moet begin. Demokrate beskuldig hulle van 'holte en opregtheid' weens die oorsake van swart mans, en beweer dat Republikeine slegs na 'partydige oorwegings' kyk.

Laatmiddag, op 25 Februarie, is gestem, en Demokrate verloor, 48 jae tot 8 nee. Die Tye het Revels erkenning gegee omdat hy waardig gebly het, selfs al het “die mishandeling wat hom die afgelope twee dae op hom en op sy wedloop uitgeoefen is, heel moontlik die senuwees van iemand laat skud”. Hy het 'n eed afgelê, sy plek geneem en die senaat is vir die naweek verdaag.

Van die twee Mississippi -senaatsitplekke wat in die sessie gevul is, is die een onlangs deur Jefferson Davis, die president van die Konfederasie tydens die Burgeroorlog, beset. Harper's Weekly 'n politieke tekenprent van Thomas Nast uitgevoer waarin Davis verskyn het as Iago, die verraderlike skurk van Shakespeare Othelloen kyk na Revels wat sy plek in die kamer inneem: 'Daarvoor vermoed ek dat die wellustige heide in my sitplek gespring het: die gedagte knaag aan my binneste soos 'n giftige mineraal.'

Thomas Nast het die voormalige Konfederale president Jefferson Davis uitgebeeld as Iago, die verraderlike skurk uit Shakespeare's Othello . (Library of Congress)

Revels het slegs ongeveer 'n jaar in die Amerikaanse senaat gedien. Teen die einde van sy termyn, op 8 Februarie 1871, het Revels in die komitee oor die distrik van Columbia gesit terwyl hy argumente hoor oor 'n klousule wat DC -skole effektief sou gedegregeer het. Senator Revels het die komitee toegespreek en aangevoer teen 'n wysiging om die klousule te tref, en gesê: 'As die nasie 'n stap moet neem om hierdie vooroordeel teen die bruin ras aan te moedig, kan hulle dan 'n voorspelling hê dat die hemel sal glimlag vir hulle en laat hulle voorspoedig wees? ” Hy het gepraat oor die onderdrukking van Afro -Amerikaners regoor die land wat voortduur as gevolg van segregasie in behuising, kerk, vervoer en onderwys, en hy het sy mede -senatore gepleit om te oorweeg hoe gedesegregeerde skole kan help om Afro -Amerikaners te bemagtig "sonder een haar op die die kop van enige witman wat beseer word. ” Ongelukkig het sy kant die stemming verloor, en die skeiding van skole was tot 1954 wettig in Washington, DC.

Revels was die eerste in 'n klein golf swart kongreslede tydens die heropbou -era. 'N Paar jaar na sy termyn is 'n ander Afro -Amerikaner - Blanche Bruce - tot die Mississippi -senaat verkies. Bruce kon 'n volle termyn dien, maar Mississippi het sedertdien nog nie 'n Afro-Amerikaanse Amerikaanse senator verkies nie. Trouens, slegs tien het in die geskiedenis van die land gedien.

Voorgestelde foto: Hiram Revels, die eerste Afro -Amerikaner wat as Amerikaanse senator gedien het. (Library of Congress / Brady Handy Photograph Collection)

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S. Carolina -kandidaat trek sy geskiedenis af

MYRTLE BEACH, SC - Tim Scott lyk onbelas deur die geskiedenis.

Hy is gereed om die eerste swart Republikein te word wat in meer as 'n eeu tot die kongres verkies is, nadat hy die seun van die voormalige senator Strom Thurmond in die Republikeinse voorverkiesing van die eerste kongresdistrik in Suid -Carolina verslaan het.

En tog, toe 'n kieser, Carol Kinsman, 'n afgetrede verpleegster wat wit is, hom nou die dag hier begroet en sê: 'Ons gaan geskiedenis maak', stel meneer Scott saggies voor dat die kleur van sy vel nie belangrik is nie.

'Ons mense is meer bekommerd oor die kwessies as enigiets anders,' het hy aan haar gesê. Toe draai hy vinnig die onderwerp oor na ekonomiese ontwikkeling en die behoefte om die plaaslike snelweg uit te brei.

Scott, 44, het 13 jaar in die provinsiale regering deurgebring en is in sy tweede jaar in die Suid -Carolina wetgewer. Maar die nasionale kollig het hom skynbaar eers Dinsdagaand gevind. As hy in November verkies word - wat waarskynlik is, aangesien sy Demokratiese teenstander, Ben Frasier, wat ook swart is, 'n meerjarige is wat nog nie blom nie - word hy die enigste swart Republikein op Capitol Hill en die eerste sedert verteenwoordiger JC Watts van Oklahoma tree in 2003 af.

'Die historiese deel hiervan is lekker om te hê - miskien,' het hy gesê oor die wen van die Republikeinse benoeming, maar hy het gesê dat dit ook ''n afleiding is'.

Dit is nie moeilik om te sien wat hy bedoel nie. Hierdie swaar Republikeinse distrik strek langs die kus van hier tot by Charleston, neem baie voormalige plantasies in en bevat die belangrikste toegangspoort vir tienduisende Afrika -slawe. Die distrik is driekwart wit, en het in 2008 oorweldigend vir John McCain gestem oor Barack Obama.

Maar meneer Scott, 'n standvastige konserwatief, is 'n ware weerspieëling van sy politiek.

Hy glo dat president Obama die land in die rigting van bankrotskap en sosialisme dryf. En hy het 'n mate van agting vir meneer Thurmond, op 'n tyd 'n toonaangewende segregasie -burger en vegter teen burgerregte. Toe mnr. Scott die eerste keer verkies word tot die Charleston County Council in 1995, stuur mnr. Thurmond 'n handgeskrewe brief aan hom wat hom by die partytjie verwelkom het. 'N Jaar later word Scott die staatswye medevoorsitter van Thurmond se senaatveldtog, sy laaste voor hy in 2003 uittree en dieselfde jaar op 100 sterf.

Hoe kan 'n swart man iemand met so 'n rassistiese verlede ondersteun?

'Die Strom Thurmond wat ek geken het, het niks daarmee te doen nie,' het mnr. Scott gesê. 'Ek bestee nie veel tyd aan geskiedenis nie,' het hy bygevoeg en opgemerk dat mnr. Thurmond teen die tyd dat Scott gebore is, 'ontwikkel' het, en in elk geval plaaslik meer bekend geword het vir sy buitengewone diens. Mnr. Scott het gesê dat hy die aandag van mnr. Thurmond na bestanddele wil naboots, maar nie sy lang lewe in Washington nie.

Sy doelwitte is om die regering te laat krimp, die nuwe federale wet op gesondheidsorg te herroep en die oogmerke uit te skakel, selfs dié wat sy staat sou help. In die staatswetgewer het hy mede-geborg vir 'n immigrasie-wetsontwerp in Arizona-styl, wat hom die goedkeuring van die Minutemen gegee het.

In die primêre afloop het Paul Thurmond, sy teenstander, hom as 'n loopbaan -politikus bestempel en 'n ondoeltreffende een.

'My teenstander het in drie jaar vir vier ampte gestaan,' het mnr. Thurmond tydens 'n debat gesê. 'Hy is soos gewoonlik die toonbeeld van politiek.' Hy het bygevoeg: 'U wonder hoekom hy niks in die huis gedoen het nie. Hy het vyf wetsontwerpe voorgestel en nog nie een geslaag nie. Binne ses maande nadat hy in die huis ingetrek het, het hy vir 'n ander wedloop gehardloop - dit is nie toewyding nie.

Mnr. Scott is omhels deur 'n paar leiers van die Republikeinse establishment, waaronder verteenwoordiger Eric Cantor van Virginia, en 'n paar Republikeine met ondersteuning van die Tea Party, waaronder die voormalige goewerneur Sarah Palin van Alaska (op Facebook), wat sommige na '' swart tee '' laat verwys het ”-Beweging, wat gretig is om enige rasse -toon te verwerp.

Hy het ook groot skenkings van die Club for Growth ontvang, wat sy totale bedrag op 600 000 dollar beloop het. Mnr. Scott het gesê dat as hy verkies word, hy hom tot vier termyne in die kongres sal beperk, deels omdat hy 'n man is met 'n plan - 'n redelik gedetailleerde plan - wat uit sy moeilike jeug ontstaan ​​het.

Mnr. Scott se ouers is geskei toe hy 7 was. Sy ma, 'n verpleegster in 'n hospitaal in Charleston, het hom en sy ouer broer, wat nou in die weermag in Duitsland is, alleen grootgemaak, en werk gereeld 16 uur om hulle te bewaar. van welsyn af.

Mnr. Scott, 'n sake -uitvoerende hoof, het gesê dat hy nooit dwelms gebruik het nie en sedert hy 13 was, voorruit by 'n vulstasie afgevee en springmielies in 'n bioskoop bedien. Maar hy het in die klas opgetree om aandag te soek, het hy gesê, en teen die negende klas slaag hy in verskeie kursusse, waaronder burgerlikes, Engels en Spaans.

Hy is gered deur 'n man met die naam John Moniz, wat die Chick-fil-A langs die bioskoop bestuur het. Mnr. Moniz het sy mentor geword en hom konserwatief gebring met sy konserwatiewe, Christelike filosofie en hom, as gegradueerde van die Citadel, die belangrikheid van struktuur en dissipline geleer. Hy het hom ook voorgestel aan die selfhelp-sienings van die motiverende Christelike skrywer Zig Ziglar.

"Om my storie te ken, is om te verstaan ​​dat daar mense was wat geen rede gehad het om op die bord te kom en my te help nie, maar wat dit wel gedoen het," het mnr. Scott gesê. 'Ek wil die gemeenskap dien omdat die gemeenskap my gehelp het.'

Mnr. Moniz sterf aan 'n hartaanval op 38, toe mnr. Scott 17 was. Dit het Scott aanleiding gegee om 'n 'missiestelling' vir sy lewe neer te skryf: om 'n positiewe uitwerking op die lewe van een miljard mense te hê voordat hy sterf. .

Van daaruit ontwikkel hy wat hy 'n 'lewensmatriks' noem, 'n draaiboek vir lewe, wat 'n bloudruk vir sy toekoms is, in segmente van vyf jaar geblokkeer. Volgens hom is die verkiesing tot die kongres 'nuttig' vir sy lewensplan, maar sy doelwitte word uiteengesit in terme van hoeveel hy ander mense kan help.

'Ek het finansiële doelwitte, die aantal lewens wat ek wil beïnvloed, die aantal toesprake wat vir nie -winsgewende organisasies en vir geloofsgemeenskapsorganisasies gehou moet word, die aantal dollars om terug te belê in die gemeenskap, die aantal toesprake vir kinders soos ek in die hoë skool wat uitval, ”het hy gesê.

Hy het reeds gehelp om 'n 'gesonde hart' -program te ontwikkel in die hospitaal waar sy ma nog werk. (Hy het die afgelope twee jaar 30 pond verloor.)

'As u regtig in iets glo en dat die regering dit nie moet doen nie, is dit beter om besig te wees,' het hy gesê.

Hy het gesê dat die regering toelaat dat te veel mense onverantwoordelik is, terwyl individue groot dinge kan bereik.

'Daarom moet ek my tyd, my talent en my skat belê om dinge gedoen te kry', soos om mense te help om selfdissipline en finansiële sekuriteit te ontwikkel, het hy gesê. 'Dit is my ambisie.'


Hierdie dag in die swart geskiedenis: 12 Mei 1951

Oscar Stanton De Priest het 'n 28-jarige droogteperiode van wetgewers in die swart kongres beëindig toe hy die eerste swart persoon was wat in 1928 tot die Huis verkies is, wat Chicago verteenwoordig. Benewens sy ietwat suksesvolle politieke loopbaan, het DePriest ook 'n aktiewe eiendomsonderneming gehad. Die voormalige wetgewer in Chicago is op 12 Mei 1951 weens komplikasies weens 'n busongeluk dood.

De Priest is in 1871 gebore aan voormalige slawe in Florence, Alabama, waar hy gewoon het totdat sy gesin in 1878 na Kansas gemigreer het. ferm.

De Priest, 'n Republikein, het sy eerste keusekantoor gewen, 'n setel in die raad van kommissarisse in die Cook County in Chicago, in een van die stede wat bekend is vir politieke beskerming, deels te danke aan sy vermoë om swart kiesers te lewer. Maar dit was 'n loopbaan van ups en downs. As hy nie 'n derde termyn gewen het nie, het De Priest sy aandag gevestig op die bou van sy onderneming. In 1915 dien hy as die eerste swart raadslid van die stad voordat hy gedwing word om te bedank na 'n aanklag van omkopery.

In 1924 word die suksesvolle sakeman 'n komiteelid van die Derde Wyk, en in 1928 wen hy 'n Republikeinse kongresstoel met 'n geringe marge, wat hom die eerste swart wat uit die noorde en in die 20ste eeu tot die kongres verkies is.

Na drie termyne, waarin hy dikwels gevoel het dat hy alle Afro-Amerikaners verteenwoordig, het De Priest sy setel verloor by die eerste swart demokraat wat tot die kongres verkies is, Arthur Wergs Mitchell. Nadat hy nie die setel kon herwin nie, dien hy weer in die stadsraad van Chicago en, nadat hy die setel verloor het, fokus hy op sy eiendomsbedryf tot sy dood in 1951 op 80 -jarige ouderdom.

BET Politics - u bron vir die nuutste nuus, foto's en video's wat belangrike kwessies en persoonlikhede in die Afro -Amerikaanse politieke lewe belig, plus kommentaar van sommige van ons lewendigste stemme. Klik hier om in te teken na ons nuusbrief.


Voetnote

1 Vir 'n vergelyking van die roem van die twee mans, sien byvoorbeeld "Mahone Makes a Dicker", 16 September 1889, New York Times: 1.

2 Hoewel Stephen Middleton opmerk dat Langston se status by geboorte - slaaf of vry - omstrede is, dui die meeste bronne aan dat sy ma lank voor sy geboorte bevry is en dat hy vry gebore is. 'N Onduidelikheid spruit daaruit of Lucy Langston aan streng Virginia Black Codes onderworpe was en nie as wetlik vry geag is nie. Sien Stephen Middleton, red. Swart kongreslede tydens heropbou: 'N Dokumentêre bronboek (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002): 125.

3 "John Mercer Langston," in Jessie Carney Smith, red., Opmerklike swart Amerikaanse mans (Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Research, Inc., 1999): 693–698 (hierna verwys as NBAM).

4 "John Mercer Langston," NBAM. Swart wette sluit in: "bonding, terugkeer van alle voortvlugtende slawe, verwerping van die leerstellings en aktiwiteite van afskaffers, en ... die totale ontwapening en arrestasie van swart wetsoortreders."

6 Maurine Christopher, Swart Amerikaners in die kongres (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1976): 140.

7 Eric Foner, Freedom's Lawmakers: 'n Gids van swart kantoorhouers tydens heropbou, hersiene uitgawe (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996): 128.

8 "John Mercer Langston," NBAM.

9 Die meeste standaard sekondêre bronne noem Langston se verkiesing as klerk van Brownhelm Township as die eerste keer dat 'n swart man tot 'n openbare amp in die Verenigde State verkies is. Sien byvoorbeeld Foner, Freedom's Lawmakers: 128 William Cheek en Aimee Lee Cheek, John Mercer Langston and the Fight for Black Freedom, 1829–1865 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989): 260. Hierdie eer het egter waarskynlik gegaan aan Alexander Twilight, wat verkies is tot die huis van verteenwoordigers in Vermont en sy geloofsbriewe op 13 Oktober 1836 aangebied het. Sien Journal of the House of Representatives van die staat Vermont, 1836 (Middlebury, VT: American Office, 1836): 7 Joanne Pope Melish, Ontkenning van slawerny: geleidelike emansipasie en 'ras' in New England, 1780-1860 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998): 40. Sommige bronne noem die datum van Langston se verkiesing as 2 April 1885, terwyl ander dit as 22 April noem. Demokraat, terwyl ander hom as 'n lid van die Free Soil- of Liberty -partye noem.

10 Christopher, Swart Amerikaners in die kongres: 141.

11 Frank R. Levstik, "Langston, John Mercer," Woordeboek van Amerikaanse negerbiografie (New York: Norton, 1982): 382–384.

12 William Cheek en Aimee Lee Cheek, "Langston, John Mercer," Amerikaanse nasionale biografie 13 (New York: Oxford, 1999): 164–166 Stanley B. Parsons et al., Kongresdistrikte van die Verenigde State, 1883–1913 (New York: Greenwood Press, 1990): 157–158 John Mercer Langston, Van die Virginia Plantation tot die National Capitol, red. William Loren Katz (New York: Arno Press, herdruk van 1999 van die American Publishing Co. [Hartford, CT], 1894 -uitgawe): 451.

13 Langston, Van die Virginia Plantation tot die National Capitol: 439.

15 Mahone se invloed word in verskeie bronne geïllustreer. Sien byvoorbeeld "Opstand teen Mahone", 20 September 1888, New York Times: 1 "Mahone's Lost Power", 21 September 1888, New York Times: 1.

16 Langston, Van die Virginia Plantation tot die National Capitol: 454–455, 458 "Veldtogkenmerke", 11 Augustus 1888, Washington Post: 2. Langston het plaaslike swart vroue erkenning gegee aan sy verkiesingsukses, alhoewel hulle nie kon stem nie, was hulle vaardig om plaaslike vergaderings te reël.

17 Christopher, Swart Amerikaners in die kongres: 145 Langston, Van die Virginia Plantation tot die National Capitol: 462.

18 Sien byvoorbeeld J. W. Cromwell, "Letters from the People", 23 Augustus 1888, Washington Post: 7.

19 Christopher, Swart Amerikaners in die kongres: 145 Langston, Van die Virginia Plantation tot die National Capitol: 466–467.

20 Christopher, Swart Amerikaners in die kongres: 145 Langston, Van die Virginia Plantation tot die National Capitol: 477–481.

21 Michael J. Dubin et al., Amerikaanse kongresverkiesings, 1788–1997 (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & amp Company, Inc., Uitgewers, 1998): 284.

22 Langston, Van die Virginia Plantation tot die National Capitol: 487–489.

24 Ibid., 495 "Virginia Political Notes", 4 Augustus 1889, Washington Post: 12.

25 Aansienlike dekking van die bestrede verkiesing is ingesluit in die Kongresrekord. Sien Kongresrekord, Huis, 51ste Cong., 1ste sess. (9 September 1890): 9917–9923 Kongresrekord, Huis, 51ste Cong., 1ste sess. (17 September 1890): 10152–10169 Kongresrekord, Huis, 51ste Cong., 1ste sess. (19 September 1890): 10241–10244.

26 Die "verdwynende kworum" was 'n dilaterende parlementêre taktiek wat gereeld gebruik word deur lede van die minderheidsparty wat geweier het om oproepe te beantwoord, en sodoende die Huis verhinder het om sake te doen deur dit nie toe te laat om 'n werklike kworum te bereik nie. Republikein Thomas Brackett Reed van Maine het die taktiek aangewend toe hy in die 1880's 'n minderheidsleier was. Tog, as speaker, met sy party stewig in die meerderheid, het Reed geweier om die demokrate toe te laat om wetgewing op hierdie manier te stuit. Op 29 Januarie 1890 het hy beveel dat die Demokrate wat in die gange buite die kamer bly hang en diegene in die kamer wat weier om te stem, as teenwoordig beskou word. Reed het ook gedreig om ongetekende wetgewing wat sy ondertekening vereis, voor die goedkeuring van die president te laat totdat die Huis meerderheidswetgewing oorweeg, wat verskeie wetsontwerpe van belang sal hou vir die suidelike wetgewers. Die ysterhand van die Speaker het hom gou die bynaam "Tsaar Riet" gegee. Sien Charles W. Calhoun, "Reed, Thomas B.," in Donald C. Bacon et al., Reds., The Encyclopedia of the United States Congress Volume 3 (New York: Simon en Schuster, 1995): 1687–1690. Vir koerantdekking wat die taktiek van Demokratiese stalletjies in Langston v. Venable dokumenteer, sien byvoorbeeld "Gesoek - 'n kworum in die huis", 22 September 1890, Chicago Daily Tribune: 2 "Reed Is Wild," 20 September 1890, Boston Daily Globe: 1 "Speaker Reed Irrited," 20 September 1890, New York Times: 1.

27 E. W. B., "Republikeine steel", 24 September 1890, Atlanta Grondwet: 1.

28 Vir kontemporêre weergawes van Republikeinse pogings om 'n kworum te bereik, sien "Langston Gets His Seat", 24 September 1894, Chicago Daily Tribune: 71 E. W. B., "Republikeine steel."

29 Die enigste stem teen Langston kom van die Republikeinse verteenwoordiger Joseph Cheadle van Indiana. Cheadle bly 'n toegewyde Mahone -ondersteuner en dring daarop aan dat die verdeelde Republikeinse stem in die Virginia -distrik die enigste rede vir die demokratiese oorwinning was en dat sitplek in Langston 'n magsmisbruik was. Die verteenwoordiger van Indiana sou in 1896 na die Demokratiese en Populistiese partye toe gaan. Sien "Opgevoed deur demokrate", 18 September 1890, Chicago Daily Tribune: 7 "pleit vir reg", 18 September 1890, Atlanta Grondwet: 9 "Cheadle, Joseph Bonaparte," Biografiese gids van die Amerikaanse kongres, 1774 - hede, beskikbaar by http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=C000339. Alhoewel Langston onthou dat twee ander Republikeine in die kamer bly om die kworum te behou, maar weier om te stem, is 14 lede (vier Republikeine) amptelik as teenwoordig aangeteken en stem nie. Sien Langston, Van die Virginia Plantation tot die National Capitol: 499 'n volledige verslag van die sitplek van Langston in die Kongresrekord, Huis, 51ste Cong., 1ste sess. (23 September 1890): 10338–10339.

30 Langston, Van die Virginia Plantation tot die National Capitol: 500–501 Thomas Miller van Suid -Carolina sit een dag na Langston. Langston onthou dat hy 'n sitplek aangebied is langs Henry Cheatham van Noord -Carolina, die enigste ander swart lid in die huis.

31 "Pleidooi vir sy ras," 1 Maart 1888, Atlanta Grondwet: 1.

32 "Die invloed van Mahone", 10 Oktober 1890, New York Times: 5.

33 "Mahone May Langston," 27 September 1890, New York Times: 5 "Mahone en Langston," 31 Oktober 1890, Washington Post: 1.

34 "Langston's Next Fight", 15 November 1890, Washington Post: 2.

35 "Langston Is Confident," 8 Oktober 1890, Washington Post: 1.

36 "Negers sy enigste ondersteuning", 30 Oktober 1890, Washington Post: 1 "The Issues in Virginia," 29 Oktober 1890, New York Times: 5.

37 Dubin et al., Amerikaanse kongresverkiesings, 1788–1997: 292 "Solid in Virginia: The Apathy of the Negroes a Feature in the Contest," 6 November 1890, New York Times: 2.

38 Sien Office of the Historian, "Political Divisions of the House of Representatives (1789 to Present)", beskikbaar by http://history.house.gov/Institution/Party-Divisions/Party-Divisions/.

40 "Langston sal nie deelneem nie", 10 Maart 1891, Washington Post: 5.

41 Christopher, Swart Amerikaners in die kongres: 147.

42 Kongresrekord, Huis, 51ste Cong., 2de sess. (17 Januarie 1891): 1524.

43 In 1885 het president George Washington se geboortedatum (22 Februarie) 'n federale vakansiedag geword. Sedert die instemming van die Uniform Monday Holidays Act in 1971, word Washington se verjaardag op die derde Maandag in Februarie gevier en staan ​​dit bekend as "President's Day" ter erkenning van alle presidente.

44 Langston, Van die Virginia Plantation tot die National Capitol: 517.

45 Kongresrekord, Huis, 51ste Cong., 2de sess. (27 Februarie 1891): 3490–3493. 46 Sien byvoorbeeld "Langston Upholds His Race", 8 Januarie 1894, Washington Post: 5 "Emansipasie in Alexandrië," 23 September 1895, Washington Post: 7.

46 Sien byvoorbeeld, “Langston Upholds His Race”, 8 Januarie 1894, Washington Post: 5 “Emansipasie in Alexandria,” 23 September 1985, Washington Post: 7.


Voetnote

1 Okun Edet Uya, Van slawerny tot politieke diens: Robert Smalls, 1839–1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971): 90.

2 Uya, Van slawerny tot politieke diens: vii.

3 Geskiedkundiges debatteer oor die identiteit van Smalls se pa. Smalls se afstammelinge beweer dat sy pa sy eienaar was, John McKee, sien Ingrid Irene Sabio, "Robert Smalls", in Jessie Carney Smith, red., Opmerklike swart Amerikaanse mans (Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Research, Inc., 1999): 1071 (hierna verwys as NBAM). Sabio stel ook voor dat Smalls moontlik die seun van Moses Goldsmith, 'n handelaar in Charleston, was. 'N Ander biograaf merk op dat sy pa onbekend was, maar stel voor dat John McKee se vaderskap Glenda E. Gilmore,' Smalls, Robert ', sien. Amerikaanse nasionale biografie 20 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999): 111–112 (hierna verwys as ANB). Nog ander dui aan dat sy pa 'n wit bestuurder was op die McKee -plantasie genaamd Patrick Smalls, sien Shirley Washington, Uitstekende Afro -Amerikaners van die Kongres (Washington, DC: United States Capitol Historical Society, 1998): 8. As hy nie Smalls se seun was nie, is dit onduidelik hoe hy sy van gekry het, alhoewel sy hoofbiograaf bespiegel het dat 'Smalls' 'n pejoratiewe beskrywing van sy statuur was. Sien Edward A. Miller, Jr., Gullah Statesman: Robert Smalls van Slavery to Congress, 1839–1915 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1995): 7.

4 Smalls het ook twee stiefdogters gehad, Clara en Charlotte Jones. Sien Andrew Billingsley, Verlang om asem te haal: Robert Smalls van Suid -Carolina en sy gesinne (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2007): xxiii.

5 Maurine Christopher, Swart Amerikaners in die kongres (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1976): 42 Gilmore, "Smalls, Robert," ANB.

6 Die Amerikaanse regering het Smalls nooit ten volle vergoed vir die waarde van die Planter as beloning vir die vaslegging daarvan. Gedurende die volgende 30 jaar het swart kongreslede vergoeding gevra vir Smalls gelyk aan die waarde van die skip. James O'Hara het vergoeding vir Smalls in die 49ste kongres (1885–1887) gevra. Henry Cheatham het soortgelyke onsuksesvolle versoeke in die 51ste en 52ste kongres (1889–1893) gerig, en George White kon nie 'n resolusie neem om Smalls in die 55ste kongres (1897-1899) terug te betaal nie. Die Huis het uiteindelik 'n maatreël goedgekeur wat White op 18 Mei 1900 tydens die 56ste kongres (1899-1901) ingedien het. White het oorspronklik versoek dat Smalls $ 20 000 ontvang. Die Committee on War Claims het die bedrag egter tot $ 5,000 verminder. Smalls het hierdie bedrag ontvang nadat president William McKinley die wetsontwerp op 5 Junie 1900 onderteken het. Sien Kongresrekord, Huis, 56ste Kong., 1ste ses. (18 Mei 1900): 5715.

7 Uya, Van slawerny tot politieke diens: 16–17.

8 Besonderhede oor Smalls se militêre diens is onduidelik omdat sy papierwerk verlore gegaan het. Verskeie bronne dui aan dat Smalls in die vloot gedien het, maar ander merk op dat hy nie die opleiding gehad het om 'n vlootvaartuig te bestuur nie. Daarom het hy óf 'n kommissie gekry óf as 'n burger by die Unie -leër gewerk, en is hy gereeld aan die vloot gestuur vir diens op see. Smalls is bevorder tot kaptein van die Planter in 1865, hoewel dit onduidelik is of hy die rang in die vloot of die weermag behaal het. Sy beweerde salaris van $ 150 per maand het hom een ​​van die hoogs betaalde Afro -Amerikaanse dienspligtiges in die burgeroorlog gemaak. Smalls het sy vlootpensioen ontvang nadat hy in 1897 'n versoekskrif aan die kongres gedoen het. Sien Christopher, Swart Amerikaners in die kongres: 42 Gilmore, "Smalls, Robert," ANB Sabio, "Robert Smalls," NBAM Eric Foner, Freedom's Lawmakers: 'n Gids van swart kantoorhouers tydens heropbou (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993): 198 Uya, Van slawerny tot politieke diens: 20–22 Miller, Gullah Staatsman: 12–27 Billingsley, Verlang om asem te haal: 61, 75, 82 Kitt Haley Alexander, "Robert Smalls se tydlyn," Robert Smalls se amptelike webwerf en inligtingsentrum sien http://www.robertsmalls.org/timeline.htm (11 Oktober 2007 geraadpleeg).

9 Foner, Freedom's Lawmakers: 198. Smalls was 'n afgevaardigde van die Republikeinse Nasionale Konvensies in 1864, 1872 en 1876 en die Republikeinse Nasionale Konvensies van 1884 tot 1896.

10 Uya, Van slawerny tot politieke diens: 26–27 Miller, Gullah Staatsman:23.

11 Rupert Sargent Holland, red., Briewe en dagboek van Laura M. Towne (New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969): 241 Miller, Gullah Staatsman: 95. Terwyl hy in die kongres gedien het, het hy 'n private wetsontwerp ingedien waarin die McKee -gesin verligting gevra word, maar die wetsontwerp het nie geslaag nie (sien H.R. 2487, 44ste kongres, 1ste sitting).

12 Christopher, Black Americans in Congress: 42.

13 Foner, Freedom’s Lawmakers: 198.

14 Uya, From Slavery to Political Service:90.

15 Kongresrekord, House, 44th Cong., 1st sess. (23 May 1876): 3272–3275 Kongresrekord, House, 44th Cong., 1st sess. (25 July 1876): 4876.

16 Miller, Gullah Statesman:97. His bill passed the House, but no action was taken in the Senate.

17 Kongresrekord, House, 44th Cong., 1st sess. (18 July 1876): 4705.

18 “The Rifle Clubs ‘Dividing Time,’” 20 October 1876, New York Times: 1 “The South Carolina Cheating,” 15 December 1880, New York Times: 1 “The South Carolina Issue,” 31 October 1890, Washington Post: 4.

19 Michael J. Dubin et al., U.S. Congressional Elections, 1788–1997 (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 1998): 240.

20 Miller, Gullah Statesman:108.

21 Kongresrekord, Appendix, 44th Cong., 2nd sess. (24 February 1877): A123–136.

22 “Robert Smalls’ Trial,” 17 December 1877, New York Times: 2 Grace Greenwood, “Remember Those in Bonds,” 14 January 1878, New York Times: 1 “The Persecution of Mr. Smalls,” 7 December 1878, New York Times: 1.

23 Holland, ed., Letters and Diary of Laura M. Towne: 288.

24 Uya, From Slavery to Political Service:111.

25 Dubin et al., U.S. Congressional Elections, 1788–1997: 247.

26 Miller, Gullah Statesman: 131.

27 Holland, ed., Letters and Diary of Laura M. Towne: 293.

28 Uya, From Slavery to Political Service:111–113.

29 Kongresrekord, Appendix, 47th Cong., 1st sess. (19 July 1882): A634–643.

30 Miller, Gullah Statesman:138.

31 Ibid., 139 Stanley B. Parsons et al., Verenigde State Congressional Districts, 1883–1913 (New York: Greenwood Press, 1990): 136–143.

32 Miller, Gullah Statesman:147.

33 Uya, From Slavery to Political Service:118–119 Miller, Gullah Statesman:147–148.

34 Kongresrekord, House, 48th Cong., 2nd sess. (23 February 1883): 2057–2059 see H.R. 7556, 48th Congress, 2nd session.

35 See Christopher, Black Americans in Congress: 50: Miller, Gullah Statesman:153.

36 Kongresrekord, Appendix, 49th Cong., 1st sess. (30 July 1886): A319.

37 Kongresrekord, House, 49th Cong., 1st sess. (6 January 1886): 481.

38 Kongresrekord, House, 49th Cong., 1st sess. (26 June 1886): 6183.

39 “Congressman Smalls’s Canvass,” 20 September 1886, New York Times: 1.

40 “Why Smalls Was Defeated,” 12 December 1886, Washington Post: 3.

41 Christopher, Black Americans in Congress: 50 Dubin et al., U.S. Congressional Elections, 1788–1997: 276.

42 Christopher, Black Americans in Congress: 50–51.

43 “Negro Delegates in Control,” 18 September 1890, Washington Post: 1.

44 “Wade Hampton Losing Votes,” 11 December 1890, New York Times: 1.


Voetnote

1 Congressional Globe, Senate, 41st Cong., 2nd sess. (25 February 1870): 1567.

2 Elizabeth Lawson, The Gentleman From Mississippi: Our First Negro Representative, Hiram R. Revels (New York: privately printed, 1960):8 “Autobiography of Hiram Revels,” Carter G. Woodson Collection of Negro Papers and Related Documents, box 11, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC (hereinafter referred to as LC) Revels’s parents’ names are not known.

3 Revels’s travels took him to as many as eight states before the Civil War. It is difficult to determine in which state he began his ministry. See Kenneth H. Williams, “Revels, Hiram Rhoades,” Amerikaanse nasionale biografie 18 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999): 367–369 (hereinafter referred to as ANB). Williams is one of the few historians to spell Revels’s middle name “Rhoades.” In his handwritten autobiography, Revels lists several states where he ministered, Indiana being the first see “Autobiography of Hiram Revels,” Carter G. Woodson Collection, LC.

4 Revels’s daughter, Susan—the only one of his children whose name is known—edited a black newspaper in Seattle, Washington.

5 “Autobiography of Hiram Revels,” Carter G. Woodson Collection, LC.

6 Some authors clearly state that Revels did not receive a degree from Knox College however, others are less clear as to whether he received a degree for his studies. See, for example, Julius E. Thompson, “Hiram R. Revels, 1827–1901: A Biography,” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1973): 36–37 Williams, “Revels, Hiram Rhoades,” ANB.

7 Thompson, “Hiram Rhodes Revels, 1827–1901: A Reappraisal,” The Journal of Negro History 79 (Summer 1994): 298.

8 “Autobiography of Hiram Revels,” Carter G. Woodson Collection, LC.

9 Historians disagree about the number of black Mississippi state senators elected in 1869 (figures range from 34 to 40). See Kenneth Potts, “Hiram Rhoades Revels,” in Jessie Carney Smith, ed., Notable Black American Men (Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Research, Inc., 1999): 145 Lawson, The Gentleman From Mississippi: 14 Williams, “Revels, Hiram Rhoades,” ANB Maurine Christopher, Black Americans in Congress (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1976): 3.

10 Quoted in Lawson, The Gentleman From Mississippi:13.

11 U.S. Senators were selected by state legislatures until 1913, when the adoption of the 17th Amendment required their direct election.

12 For more about the chronological order of United States Senators from Mississippi, see Senate Historical Office, “U.S. Senators from Mississippi,” available at http://www.senate.gov/pagelayout/senators/one_item_and_teasers/mississippi.htm (accessed 5 September 2007). See also, Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, 1774–2005 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 2006): 180.

12 “Autobiography of Hiram Revels,” Carter G. Woodson Collection, LC.

13 Congressional Globe, Senate, 41st Cong., 2nd sess. (23 February 1870): 1513. The enthusiasm with which Republicans in Congress and the media heralded Revels’s admission to the Senate inspired the erroneous story common in the historical record that Revels took Davis’s former seat instead of Brown’s. See, for example, Gath, “Washington,” 17 March 1870, Chicago Tribune: 2 Christopher, Black Americans in Congress: 5–6 Stephen Middleton, ed., Black Congressmen During Reconstruction: A Documentary Sourcebook (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002): 320.

14 Quoted in Lawson, The Gentleman From Mississippi:16, 22–23.

15 Congressional Globe, Senate, 41st Cong., 2nd sess. (16 March 1870): 1986–1988. For an indication of the number of African Americans in the gallery for Revels’s maiden speech, see “By Telegraph,” 15 March 1870, Atlanta Grondwet: 2.

16 Congressional Globe, Senate, 41st Cong., 2nd sess. (16 March 1870): 1986–1988.

17 John M. Matthews, “Negro Republicans in the Reconstruction of Georgia,” in Donald G. Nieman, ed., The Politics of Freedom: African Americans and the Political Process During Reconstruction (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1994): 253–268 W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1935 under the title Black Reconstruction New York: Free Press, 1998): 500–504 (citations are to the Free Press edition).

18 Congressional Globe, Senate, 41st Cong., 2nd sess. (17 May 1870): 3520. Revels was so adamant about clarifying his position on amnesty, he reprinted this speech in his unpublished autobiography. See “Autobiography of Hiram Revels,” Carter G. Woodson Collection, LC.

19 Congressional Globe, Senate, 41st Cong., 3rd sess. (8 February 1871): 1059–1060.

21 Quoted in Lawson, The Gentleman From Mississippi:41.

22 Michael Howard was not admitted to West Point because he failed the entrance exam. See Williams, “Revels, Hiram Rhoades,” ANB. See also, for example, “West Point,” 28 May 1870, New York Times: 4.

23 See “Autobiography of Hiram Revels,” Carter G. Woodson Collection, LC.

24 Revels noted that the state legislature tried to name the school after him, but he insisted it remain named for the governor. See “Autobiography of Hiram Revels,” Carter G. Woodson Collection, LC.


Voetnote

1 Charles Coles Diggs, Jr. resigned on June 3, 1980, and was succeeded by George Crockett on November 4, 1980.

2 Katie Beatrice Hall was elected on November 2, 1982, by special election, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Adam Benjamin Jr.

3 Eva M. Clayton was elected on November 3, 1992, by special election, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Walter Beaman Jones Sr.

4 William Herbert Gray III resigned on September 11, 1991, and was succeeded by Lucien Edward Blackwell on November 5, 1991.

5 Michael Alphonso (Mike) Espy resigned on January 22, 1993, and was succeeded by Bennie Thompson on April 13, 1993.

6 Kweisi Mfume resigned on February 15, 1996, and was succeeded by Elijah Eugene Cummings on April 16, 1996.

7 Juanita Millender-McDonald was elected on March 26, 1996, by special election, to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Walter R. Tucker III.

8 Mel Reynolds resigned on October 1, 1995, and was succeeded by Jesse L. Jackson, Jr., on December 12, 1995.

9 Walter R. Tucker III resigned on December 15, 1995, and was succeeded by Juanita Millender-McDonald on March 26, 1996.

10 Donna M. Christensen served under the name Donna Christian-Green in the 105th and 106th Congresses (1997–2001).

11 Ronald V. Dellums resigned on February 6, 1998, and was succeeded by Barbara Lee on April 7, 1998.

12 Floyd Harold Flake resigned on November 17, 1997, and was succeeded by Gregory Meeks on February 3, 1998.

13 Barbara Lee was elected on April 7, 1998, by special election, to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Ronald V. Dellums.

14 Diane Edith Watson was elected on June 5, 2001, by special election, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Julian Carey Dixon.

15 Frank W. Ballance, Jr., resigned on June 11, 2004, and was succeeded by George Kenneth (G. K.) Butterfield, Jr., on July 20, 2004.

16 Julia May Carson died on December 15, 2007, and was succeeded in a special election by her grandson André Carson on March 11, 2008.

17 Donna F. Edwards was elected on June 17, 2008, by special election, to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Albert Russell Wynn.

18 Marcia L. Fudge was elected on November 18, 2008, by special election, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Stephanie Tubbs Jones.

19 Stephanie Tubbs Jones died on August 20, 2008, and was succeeded in a special election by Marcia L. Fudge on November 18, 2008.

20 Juanita Millender-McDonald died on April 21, 2007, and was succeeded in a special election by Laura Richardson on August 21, 2007.

21 Barack Obama resigned on November 16, 2008, having been elected the 44th President of the United States on November 4, 2008.

22 Laura Richardson was elected on August 21, 2007, by special election, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Juanita Millender-McDonald.

23 Albert Russell Wynn resigned on May 31, 2008, and was succeeded by Donna F. Edwards on June 17, 2008.

24 Roland Burris was appointed to the United States Senate on December 31, 2008, to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Barack Obama however, Burris's credentials were not in order until January 12, 2009. He took the oath of office on January 15, 2009, and served until November 29, 2010, when he was succeeded in a special election by Mark Kirk.

25 Donald Milford Payne died on March 6, 2012, and was succeeded in a special election by his son Donald Payne, Jr., on November 6, 2012.

26 Tim Scott resigned his House seat on January 2, 2013, to be appointed to the United States Senate.

27 Alma Adams was elected on November 4, 2014, by special election, to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Melvin L. Watt.

28 Appointed as a Democrat to the United States Senate on February 1, 2013, to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Senator John F. Kerry. William (Mo) Cowan did not seek election to the full term and left the Senate on July 15, 2013.

29 Robin L. Kelly was elected on April 9, 2013, by special election, to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Jesse L. Jackson Jr.

30 Dwight Evans was elected by special election on November 8, 2016, to succeed Chaka Fattah.

31 Chaka Fattah resigned on June 23, 2016.

32 John Conyers, Jr., resigned on December 5, 2017, and was succeeded by Brenda Jones on November 6, 2018.

33 Brenda Jones was elected on November 6, 2018, by special election, to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of John Conyers Jr.

34 Elijah Eugene Cummings died on October 17, 2019, and was succeeded in a special election by Kweisi Mfume on April 28, 2020.

35 Kwanza Hall was elected on December 1, 2020, by special election, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of John R. Lewis.

36 John R. Lewis died on July 17, 2020, and was succeeded in a special election by Kwanza Hall on December 1, 2020.

37 Kweisi Mfume was elected on April 28, 2020, by special election, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Elijah Eugene Cummings.

38 Troy Carter was elected on April 20, 2021, by special election, to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Cedric Richmond.


‘Dred Scott’ Redux

This was raw political power that the Republican Party was eager to embrace and Southern Democrats feared. (Remember, Abraham Lincoln had only been dead five years.) So by the time Revels reached the senate on Feb. 23, 1870 — and so soon after Appomattox — he was showered by applause from the gallery, but met resistance from the Democrats on the floor. Particularly galling to them was the fact that Revels was about to inhabit a seat like the one that their former colleague, Jefferson Davis, had resigned en route to becoming president of the Confederacy in 1861. When Davis was still in the Senate, the Supreme Court’s ruling in Dred Scott v. Sanford (1857) had still been good law, they knew, and it had gone out of its way to reject blacks’ claims to U.S. citizenship — the critical third test any incoming senator had to pass.

In staring down Revels, the Democrats’ strategy wasn’t to rake over his birth certificate (an absurd tactic left to our own time) but to proceed as though nothing had happened in between 1857 and the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1866 and ratification of the 14th Amendment in 1868. (Both of those measures had clarified blacks’ status as citizens, blunting Dred Scott’s force as precedent — the 14th Amendment as a matter of constitutional law.) As a result, by the Democrats’ calculus, Revels, despite having been born a free man in the South and having voted years before in Ohio, could only claim to have been a U.S. citizen for two — and at most four — years, well short of the Constitutional command of nine. It was a rule-based argument, as rigid as it was reactionary. It twisted the founders’ original concerns over allowing foreign agents into the Senate into a bar on all native-born blacks until 1875 or 1877, thus buying the Democrats more time to regain their historical advantages in the South.

So, instead of Sen.-elect Revels taking the oath of office upon his arrival in Washington, he had to suffer two more days of debate among his potential colleagues over his credentials and the reach of Dred Scott. While the Democrats’ defense was constitutionally based, as Richard Primus brilliantly recounts in his April 2006 Harvard Law Review article, “The Riddle of Hiram Revels” (pdf), there were occasional slips that indicated just what animus — at least for some — lurked behind it. “Outside the chamber,” Primus writes, “Democratic newspapers set a vicious tone: the New York Wêreld decried the arrival of a ‘lineal descendant of an ourang-otang in Congress’ and added that Revels had ‘hands resembling claws.’ The discourse inside the chamber was almost equally pointed.”

Primus continues, “Senator [Garrett] Davis [of Kentucky] asked rhetorically whether any of the Republicans present who claimed willingness to accept Revels as a colleague ‘has made sedulous court to any one fair black swan, and offered to take her singing to the altar of Hymen.’ ” Can you imagine a senator using such suggestive sexual language on the Senate floor today? (OK, maybe on Twitter.)

Foolishly drawn into the debate, some of Revels’ own supporters contorted themselves trying to work within the Democrats’ framework. Notably, one Republican senator, George Williams of Oregon, staked his vote on Revels’ mixed-race heritage (as Primus indicates, Revels was “called a quadroon, an octoroon, and a Croatan Indian as well as a negro” throughout his life). It was a material fact to Williams, perhaps because, as President Lincoln’s former attorney general Edward Bates had signaled in an opinion during the Civil War, just one drop of European blood was technically enough to exempt a black man from Dred Scott’s citizenship ban against African pure-bloods.

Fortunately for all future black elected officials (just think of the pernicious effects of such a rule, however short-lived, on those who could not claim any obvious white heritage), other Republicans in the caucus refused to play along. As Primus recalls, “Senator Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania [asked his colleagues,] ‘What do I care which pre-ponderates? He [Revels] is a man [and] his race, when the country was in its peril, came to the rescue … I admit that it somewhat shocks my old prejudices, as it probably does the prejudices of many more here, that one of the despised race should come here to be my equal but I look upon it as the act of God.’ ”

The more decisive act for Republicans, as Cameron’s backhanded comments indicated, was the Civil War, which (hello!) in four years had claimed the lives of 750,000 Americans, rewriting the Constitution in blood. To Republicans, before the country had spoken through the Civil Rights Act or Reconstruction Amendments, Dred Scott had, effectively, been overturned by what Sen. James Nye of Nevada called “the mightiest uprising which the world has ever witnessed.”

Charles Sumner, the radical Republican senator from Massachusetts, understood the costs of that uprising, having shed his own blood beneath the cane of Preston Brooks in one of the most violent episodes in the lead-up to the war — right at his own Senate desk. And Sumner wasn’t about to concede any ground to Dred Scott, which, to him, had been “[b]orn a putrid corpse” as soon as it had left the late Chief Justice Taney’s pen. “The time has passed for argument,” Sumner thundered, as quoted in my book, Life Upon These Shores: Looking at African American History, 1513-2008 . “Nothing more need be said … ‘All men are created equal’ says the great Declaration and now a great act attests this verity. Today we make the Declaration a reality. For a long time in word only, it now becomes a deed. For a long time a promise only, it now becomes a consummated achievement.”


Inhoud

Reconstruction and Redemption Edit

The right of black people to vote and to serve in the United States Congress was established after the Civil War by amendments to the Constitution. The Thirteenth Amendment (ratified December 6, 1865), abolished slavery. The Fourteenth Amendment (ratified July 9, 1868) made all people born or naturalized in the United States citizens. The Fifteenth Amendment (ratified February 3, 1870) forbade the denial or abridgment of the right to vote on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, and gave Congress the power to enforce the law by appropriate legislation.

The first black to address Congress was Rev. Henry Highland Garnet, in 1865, on occasion of the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment. [9]

In 1866, Congress passed the Civil Rights Act and the four Reconstruction Acts, which dissolved all governments in the former Confederate states with the exception of Tennessee. It divided the South into five military districts, where the military through the Freedmen's Bureau helped protect the rights and safety of newly freed black people. The act required that the former Confederate states ratify their constitutions conferring citizenship rights on black people or forfeit their representation in Congress. [ aanhaling nodig ]

As a result of these measures, black people acquired the right to vote across the Southern states. In several states (notably Mississippi and South Carolina), black people were the majority of the population. By forming coalitions with pro-Union white people, Republicans took control of the state legislatures. At the time, state legislatures elected the members of the US Senate. During Reconstruction, only the state legislature of Mississippi elected any black senators. On February 25, 1870, Hiram Rhodes Revels was seated as the first black member of the Senate, while Blanche Bruce, also of Mississippi, seated in 1875, was the second. Revels was the first black member of the Congress overall. [10]

Black people were a majority of the population in many congressional districts across the South. In 1870, Joseph Rainey of South Carolina was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, becoming the first directly elected black member of Congress to be seated. [11] Black people were elected to national office also from Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, Texas and Virginia.

All of these Reconstruction era black senators and representatives were members of the Republican Party. The Republicans represented the party of Abraham Lincoln and of emancipation. The Democrats represented the party of planters, slavery and secession.

From 1868, Southern elections were accompanied by increasing violence, especially in Louisiana, Mississippi and the Carolinas, in an effort by Democrats to suppress black voting and regain power. In the mid-1870s, paramilitary groups such as the White League and Red Shirts worked openly to turn Republicans out of office and intimidate black people from voting. This followed the earlier years of secret vigilante action by the Ku Klux Klan against freedmen and allied white people.

After the disputed Presidential election of 1876 between Democratic Samuel J. Tilden, governor of New York, and Republican Rutherford B. Hayes, governor of Ohio, a national agreement between Democratic and Republican factions was negotiated, resulting in the Compromise of 1877. Under the compromise, Democrats conceded the election to Hayes and promised to acknowledge the political rights of black people Republicans agreed to withdraw federal troops from the South and promised to appropriate a portion of federal monies toward Southern projects.

Disenfranchisement Edit

With the Southern states "redeemed", Democrats gradually regained control of Southern legislatures. They proceeded to restrict the rights of the majority of black people and many poor white people to vote by imposing new requirements for poll taxes, subjective literacy tests, more strict residency requirements and other elements difficult for laborers to satisfy.

By the 1880s, legislators increased restrictions on black voters through voter registration and election rules. In 1888 John Mercer Langston, president of Virginia State University at Petersburg, was elected to the U.S. Congress as the first African American from Virginia. He would also be the last for nearly a century, as the state passed a disenfranchising constitution at the turn of the century that excluded black people from politics for decades. [12]

Starting with the Florida Constitution of 1885, white Democrats passed new constitutions in ten Southern states with provisions that restricted voter registration and forced hundreds of thousands of people from registration rolls. These changes effectively prevented most black people and many poor white people from voting. Many white people who were also illiterate were exempted from such requirements as literacy tests by such strategies as the grandfather clause, basing eligibility on an ancestor's voting status as of 1866, for instance.

Southern state and local legislatures also passed Jim Crow laws that segregated transportation, public facilities, and daily life. Finally, racial violence in the form of lynchings and race riots increased in frequency, reaching a peak in the last decade of the 19th century.

The last black congressman elected from the South in the 19th century was George Henry White of North Carolina, elected in 1896 and re-elected in 1898. His term expired in 1901, the same year that William McKinley, who was the last president to have fought in the Civil War, died. No black people served in Congress for the next 28 years, and none represented any Southern state for the next 72 years.

From 1910 to 1940, the Great Migration of Black people from the rural South to Northern cities such as New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Detroit, and Cleveland began to produce black-majority Congressional districts in the North. Black people could exercise their right to vote. In the two waves of the Great Migration through 1970, more than six and a half million black people moved north and west and became highly urbanized.

In 1928, Oscar De Priest won the 1st Congressional District of Illinois (the South Side of Chicago) as a Republican, becoming the first black congressman of the modern era. Arthur Wergs Mitchell became the first African-American Democrat elected to Congress when he replaced De Priest in 1935. De Priest, Mitchell and their successor, William Dawson, were the only African Americans in Congress up to the mid-1940s, when additional black Democrats began to be elected in Northern cities. Dawson became the first African American in history to chair a congressional committee in 1949. De Priest was the last African-American Republican elected to the House for 58 years, until Gary Franks was elected to represent Connecticut's 5th in 1990. Franks was joined by J.C. Watts in 1994 but lost his bid for reelection two years later. After Watts retired in 2002, the House had no black Republicans until 2010, with the elections of Allen West in Florida's 22nd and Tim Scott in South Carolina's 1st. West lost his reelection bid in 2012, while Scott resigned in January 2013 to accept appointment to the U.S. Senate. Two new black Republicans, Will Hurd of Texas's 23rd district and Mia Love of Utah's 4th district, were elected in 2014, with Love being the first ever black Republican woman to be elected to Congress. She lost reelection in 2018, leaving Hurd as the only black Republican member of the U.S. House.

The election of President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1932 led to a shift of black voting loyalties from Republican to Democrat, as Roosevelt's New Deal programs offered economic relief to people suffering from the Great Depression. From 1940 to 1970, nearly five million black Americans moved north and also west, especially to California, in the second wave of the Great Migration. By the mid-1960s, an overwhelming majority of black voters were Democrats, and most were voting in states outside the former Confederacy.

It was not until after passage by Congress of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the result of years of effort on the part of African Americans and allies in the Civil Rights Movement, that black people within the Southern states recovered their ability to exercise their rights to vote and to live with full civil rights. Legal segregation ended. Accomplishing voter registration and redistricting to implement the sense of the law took more time.

On January 3, 1969, Shirley Chisholm was sworn as the nation's first African-American congresswoman. Two years later, she became one of the 13 founding members of the Congressional Black Caucus.

Until 1992, most black House members were elected from inner-city districts in the North and West: New York City, Newark, New Jersey, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Chicago, Cleveland, Detroit, St. Louis and Los Angeles all elected at least one black member. Following the 1990 census, Congressional districts needed to be redrawn due to the population shifts of the country. Various federal court decisions resulted in states' creating districts to provide for some where the majority of the population were African Americans, rather than gerrymandering to exclude black majorities. [ aanhaling nodig ]

Historically, both parties have used gerrymandering to gain political advantage, by drawing districts to favor their own party. In this case, some districts were created to link widely separated black communities. As a result, several black Democratic members of the House were elected from new districts in Alabama, Florida, rural Georgia, rural Louisiana, North Carolina, South Carolina and Virginia for the first time since Reconstruction. Additional black-majority districts were also created in this way in California, Maryland and Texas, thus increasing the number of black-majority districts. [ aanhaling nodig ]

The creation of black-majority districts was a process supported by both parties. The Democrats saw it as a means of providing social justice, as well as connecting easily to black voters who had been voting Democratic for decades. The Republicans believed they gained by the change, as many of the Democratic voters were moved out of historically Republican-majority districts. By 2000, other demographic and cultural changes resulted in the Republican Party holding a majority of white-majority House districts.

Since the 1940s, when decades of the Great Migration resulted in millions of African Americans having migrated from the South, no state has had a majority of African-American residents. Nine African Americans have served in the Senate since the 1940s: Edward W. Brooke, a Republican from Massachusetts Carol Moseley Braun, Barack Obama, and Roland Burris (appointed to fill a vacancy), all Democrats from Illinois Tim Scott (initially appointed to fill a vacancy, but later elected), a Republican from South Carolina Mo Cowan (appointed to fill a vacancy), a Democrat from Massachusetts Cory Booker, a Democrat from New Jersey, Kamala Harris, a Democrat from California and Raphael Warnock a Democrat from Georgia.


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