Inligting

'N Uitsonderlike Middeleeuse Ierse boek keer terug na Ierland


'N Ongelooflike betekenisvolle middeleeuse boek met manuskripte is na Ierland terugbesorg. The Book of Lismore is 'n versameling handgeskrewe tekste wat deur 'n aristokratiese Engelse familie aan die University College Cork geskenk is. Ierland het 'n lang skryftradisie en het baie merkwaardige Middeleeuse boeke en verligte manuskripte vervaardig, soos die Book of Kells. The Book of Lismore is volgens die Irish Examiner een van die 'groot boeke van Ierland'. Hierdie spesiale Middeleeuse boek het 'n lang geskiedenis en sal waarskynlik geleerdes help om die Ierse geskiedenis beter te verstaan.

The Book of Lismore bestaan ​​uit byna 200 groot velvelbladsye. Dit is waarskynlik geskryf deur professionele skrifgeleerdes waarvan sommige tot die Franciskaanse Orde behoort het. Die werk is saamgestel in Kilbrittain, County Cork, vir die Lord of Carbery Fínghin Mac Carthaigh (1478-1505) en sy vrou. In die laat Middeleeue het baie aristokratiese Ierse gesinne skrifgeleerdes opdrag gegee om manuskripte te skryf.

'N Middeleeuse boek oor Ierse mites en heiliges en meer!

Die Middeleeuse boek, bekend as die Book of Lismore, is in Iers geskryf. Dit is 'n samestelling van sowel Ierse as Europese werke. Die eerste afdeling handel hoofsaaklik oor die lewens van Ierse heiliges, “voordat dit oorgedra word na materiaal in vertaling: the History of the Lombards and the Conquests of Charlemagne”, berig RTE. Hierdie middeleeuse boek bevat ook die Reise van Marco Polo in vertaling, wat die enigste voorbeeld is.

'N Bladsy uit die Book of Lismore, die Middeleeuse boek wat onlangs deur 'n Engelse aristokratiese familie na Ierland terugbesorg is.

The Book of Lismore bevat ook “Fionn MacCumhaill en die Fianna, soos vertel in die lang sage, bekend as Agallamh na Seanórach”, berig RTE. Hierdie verhale vertel die lewe en avonture van die mitiese vegter en jagter Fionn, een van die belangrikste figure in die Ierse mitologie. Baie bakens op die eiland word verbind met die heldhaftige Fionn.

Hoe die Book of Lismore Ierland verlaat het en waarom

Die geskiedenis van die Book of Lismore in die afgelope eeue is merkwaardig. Dit is gegee aan die graaf van Cork, die vader van die groot wetenskaplike Richard Boyle, na die beleg van Kilbritttain -kasteel in die 1640's. Dit is toe ommuur in die Lismore -kasteel saam met 'n onskatbare crozier, 'n biskop of 'n abtstaf, om onbekende redes. Die Middeleeuse boek is eers in die vroeë 19de tydens opknappingswerk blootgelê ste eeu. Dit het in die Lismore -kasteel gebly voordat dit in die besit van die Cavendish -familie gekom het en na Brittanje gebring. Die familie Cavendish het die boek aan die University College Cork geskenk.

Die Book of Lismore was lank in die Lismore -kasteel weggesteek en daarna is dit 'na Engeland' geneem. Hierdie besonderse Ierse Middeleeuse boek is weer terug in Ierland. (Bob / Adobe Stock )

Die Lismore Middeleeuse boek: nou deel van 'n Ierse biblioteek

Volgens RTE het die hertog van Devonshire, 'n lid van die Cavendish -familie, gesê dat "sy gesin hoop dat die boek baie geslagte studente, geleerdes en besoekers aan die universiteit sal baat." Hul skenking sluit aan by meer as 200 kosbare manuskripte, tekste en middeleeuse boek in die versameling van die University College Cork. The Book of Lismore was voorheen in 2011 aan die universiteit te sien en sedertdien is daar onderhandel oor die terugkeer na Ierland.

  • The Book of Kells: 'n Onsterflike kulturele erfenis van die gale
  • Middeleeuse boek vertel kinders moet nie jou ore of neusgate kies nie!
  • The Book of Exposition en die Enigmatic English Bohemian

Die premier van Ierland, ook bekend as die Taoiseach, Micheal Martin bedank die hertog van Devonshire en die Cavendish -familie vir hul skenking. Hy verwelkom die terugkeer van 'een van die groot boeke van Ierland', volgens die Extra.ie. Die Ierse premier word ook deur die Ierse eksaminator aangehaal dat die boek 'n "buitengewone reis gedurende sy leeftyd gehad het en deur edeles en vroue, geleerdes en skrifgeleerdes gelees en bestudeer is."

Nog 'n beroemde Ierse Middeleeuse boek: The Book of Kells. (Warren Rosenberg / Adobe Stock )

Die Lismore -boek sal geleerdes help om die Ierse geskiedenis te verstaan

Hierdie besonderse Middeleeuse boek kan geleerdes ook help om die kultuur en geskiedenis van die Ierse samelewing in die laat Middeleeue beter te verstaan. Professor Pádraig Ó Macháin, van University College Cork, het aan RTE gesê dat dit ''n' nuwe invalshoek 'gee aan geleerde lewens en wat as 'n vermaaklikheid beskou word, aan 'n edele heer van die Gaeliese tradisie.' Hy hoop ook dat dit die bewustheid sal verhoog van die ryk Ierse manuskriptradisie.

Die Book of Lismore is amptelik geskenk tydens 'n virtuele geleentheid. Die University College Cork is van voorneme om die Middeleeuse boek in die Treasures Gallery, wat deel uitmaak van die beroemde Boole -biblioteek, te sien. Die biblioteek is vernoem na die Engelse wiskundige George Boole (1815-1864), wat aan die universiteit onderrig gegee het. Boole se uitvinding van Booleaanse algebra was noodsaaklik in die ontwikkeling van die rekenaartydperk.


Middeleeuse manuskrip keer terug na Ierland na honderde jare in Britse hande

Een van die waardevolste middeleeuse manuskripte van Ierland, die Book of Lismore, het byna vier eeue teruggekeer huis toe nadat dit deur Kilbrittain -kasteel in County Cork beslag gelê is.

Die vorige eienaar van die teks, die Trustees of the Chatsworth Settlement, het die historiese bundel geskenk wat verskeie kere van eienaar verander het nadat dit in die vroeë 1640's by Kilbrittain vasgevang is by die University College Cork ’s (UCC) Boole Library.

Soos UCC in 'n verklaring opmerk, word die versameling van 198 velvelblare beskou as een van die beste boeke van Ierland. Geskep vir die Ierse Lord of Carbery, F ínghin Mac Carthaigh Riabhach, en sy vrou, Caitil ín, in die laat 15de eeu, bevat die manuskrip 'n aantal seldsame Middeleeuse Ierse tekste en vertalings van Europese verhale, sowel as die enigste oorlewende Ierse vertaling van die reise van Marco Polo.

Volgens Gareth Harris van die Kunskoerant, bevat die boek ook verslae van die lewens van Ierse heiliges en sekulêre verhale soos Agallamh na Sean órach, 'n lang Middeleeuse Ierse gedig wat fokus op die legendariese held Fionn mac Cumhaill en sy Fianna -krygers.

'N Kurator hanteer die Book of Lismore. Die historiese verhaal sal uiteindelik in die Treasures Gallery by die University College Cork se Boole -biblioteek vertoon word. (University College Cork)

In 'n meningstuk vir die Ierse omroeper RT É, beweer P ádraig Ó Mach áin, 'n kenner van Modern Irish by UCC, dat die seleksie van verhale in die manuskrip 'n selfversekerde uitspraak maak oor aristokratiese literêre smaak in die outonome Gaeliese Ierland aan die einde van die 15de eeu. ”

Hy voeg by, “Die geografiese gebied waarin die boek geskryf is. was 'n bloeiende sentrum van intellektuele aktiwiteit. Die kus van Wes -Cork was 'n fokuspunt vir digters en vir geleerdes uit ander dissiplines, soos medisyne en geskiedenis. . Hier was ook 'n aktiewe belangstelling in die vertaling van werke wat destyds gewild was op die vasteland van Europa. ”

Na die verwydering uit Kilbrittain in die 17de eeu, het die Book of Lismore in besit gekom van die eerste Ierse graaf van Cork, Richard Boyle, wat toe op die Lismore -kasteel in County Waterford gewoon het. Die daaropvolgende eeu is die eienaarskap van die kasteel oorgedra deur die huwelik van die Boyle -gesin na die Engelse Cavendishes, en die kosbare artefak van Dukes of Devonshire is later in die mure van Lismore weggebêre, moontlik vir bewaring. Die tome is eers in 1814 herontdek toe opknappings deur die sesde hertog van Devonshire gelas is.

Volgens die verklaring was die boek hoofsaaklik in Lismore gehuisves tot 1914, toe dit na die Devonshire House in Londen oorgeplaas is. Later het die Cavendish -gesin die manuskrip na hul voorouersetel van Chatsworth in Derbyshire verskuif. Dit het daar gebly tot sy onlangse skenking aan UCC.

John O ’ Halloran, die tussentydse president van die universiteit, beskryf die Boek van Lismore as 'n belangrike simbool van ons kulturele erfenis. ”

In die verklaring voeg hy by: "Hierdie buitengewone vrygewigheid van die hertog van Devonshire herbevestig die gedeelde begrip tussen ons onderskeie lande en kulture, 'n begrip wat gebaseer is op verligting, beleefdheid en gemeenskaplike doel."

UCC beplan om 'n Treasures Gallery te ontwikkel om die boek aan die publiek te vertoon. Ó Mach áin skryf dat personeel ook hoop om met studente saam te werk om die Ierse teks te transkribeer en dit openlik toeganklik te maak via die aanlynportaal van die universiteit. Beide voor- en nagraadse studente sal die geleentheid kry om die teks uit die eerste plek te bestudeer, merk hy op vir RT É.

In 'n aparte verklaring het die trustees van die Chatsworth -nedersetting, wat die boek besit het sedert hul organisasie in 1946 gestig is, opgemerk dat gesprekke oor die repatriasie van die manuskrip al ongeveer 'n dekade duur.

Sedert die Book of Lismore in 2011 aan die University College Cork vir 'n uitstalling geleen is, het ons oorweeg hoe dit permanent daarheen kan terugkeer, ” sê Peregrine Cavendish, 12de hertog van Devonshire, in die Trustees ’ verklaring . Ek en my gesin is verheug dat dit moontlik was, en ek hoop dat dit baie geslagte studente, skoliere en besoekers aan die universiteit sal baat. ”


Wil u nou meer weet oor Ierland? Hier is die boeke om te lees

Anne Enright

The Spinning Heart deur Donal Ryan

Die draaiende hart gee ons 'n kaleidoskopiese beeld van die landelike en klein stad Ierland in die jare na die ekonomiese ineenstorting. Donal Ryan weet alles van sy karakters: nie net hul hoop, drome en teleurstellings nie, maar ook die getalle op hul salarisstrokies en tjeks vir sosiale sekerheid.

Hy is 'n vrygewige skrywer en die boek is gevul met lig en skaduwee, liefde en tragedie. Vir 'n jong manlike skrywer is daar weinig afsku. Ryan glo ook in die verlossingskrag van die vertelling en maak groot verhale uit klein lewens op 'n manier wat amper operasioneel is (op dieselfde manier as wat JM Synge operaties was). Sterk emosies, onuitwisbare familiebande, forensiese sosiale detail: as dit 'n liedjie is, kan u dit sing, veral op 'n dag soos hierdie.
Anne Enright is die laureaat vir Ierse fiksie. Haar nuutste roman is The Green Road

Eimear McBride

Beatlebone deur Kevin Barry

Ek sal Kevin Barry se briljante van harte aanbeveel Beatlebone aan almal wat vir die eerste keer in Ierland aankom. Alhoewel die aksie fokus op 'n verbeelde besoek deur John Lennon aan Clew Bay en Achill in die sewentigerjare, lyk die manier waarop Barry die vreemde vreemdheid van die weste vasvang - en ek is 'n inboorling van die omgewing - so waar Mayo se kus en mense vandag soos destyds.

Daar is so 'n ongewone kwaliteit aan die atmosfeer wat hy skep, met hierdie mense wat aan die einde van die wêreld aan 'n rots vasklou en deurdrenk is in die heerlikste taal, en tog is dit ook ongelooflik aanloklik vir die unieke plek. Sowel die boek as die streek is pragtig, ontstellend en deurspek met sakke van die onverwagte.
Eimear McBride is die skrywer van A Girl is a Half-shaped Thing en The Lesser Bohemians

Joseph O'Connor

Die Ross O'Carroll-Kelly-reeks

Die grootste boek oor hoe kontemporêr Ierland is, is altyd die mees onlangse Ross O'Carroll-Kelly-werk. Daar is af en toe gerugte dat sy boeke eintlik komiese fiksies is wat geskryf is deur 'n ondeunde, baie stoute en supertalente Dublin -joernalis, maar enige verstandige leser weet dat dit nie so is nie. Dit is 'n eerlike, akkurate en betekenisvolle verslag van die sosiale klas wat Ierland vernietig het, van binne geskryf.

Dit is inderdaad moeilik om Ross voor te stel dat hy ooit 'n roman geskryf het (of inderdaad gelees het), tensy dit toevallig deur 'n rugbyspeler geskryf is. Geen volle begrip van wat Ierland sedert 2000 deurgemaak het, is moontlik sonder O'Carroll-Kelly se monsteragtige, onverskillige, onvergeetlike kroniek van 'n kakstorm wat voorspel is, wat soms (maar selde) moeilik is om te glo.
Joseph O'Connor is Frank McCourt, voorsitter van kreatiewe skryfkuns aan die Universiteit van Limerick. Sy nuutste roman is The Thrill of it All

Diarmaid Ferriter

Amongst Women deur John McGahern

John McGahern het 'n dekade lank geskryf Onder Vroue, wat in 1990 gepubliseer is. Dit beeld die gemartelde bestaan ​​uit van Michael Moran, 'n veteraan van onafhanklikheidsoorlog, en die ervarings van sy gesin wat hy daarin slaag om te vervreem en te pynig en tog 'n duidelike identiteit te hê. Dit handel oor die Ierse provinsiale lewe in die middel van die eeu, insluitend die donkerder kant, maar dit bring ook groter, nasionale temas na vore.

Die vraag wat Moran stel oor die stryd om onafhanklikheid in die vroeë 20ste eeu - "Waarvoor was dit alles?" - resoneer om baie redes. Moran voel dat hy en sy kamerade op die beste tyd van hul lewe vir onafhanklikheid geveg het, net vir inheemse wanpraktyke om dit ietwat betekenisloos te maak. As hy sterf, is dit miskien gepas dat die Driekleur wat sy kis drapeer, so vervaag is.

Vir Moran, so vervreem van die openbare lewe, het die republikeinse droom lankal verdwyn, hoewel sy betrokkenheid by die temas van familie, oorlewing, geld en die onderdrukking van vroue hom 'n gepaste simbool van Ierland van die 20ste eeu maak.

McGahern het boeiende werk op 'n klein doek gedoen; ryk dialoog en 'n skerp gevoel van plek.

Die boek van McGahern bly 'n beskuldiging van die mislukkings van die Ierse onafhanklikheid en 'n viering van die kenmerk van Ierland.
Diarmaid Ferriter is professor in moderne Iere geskiedenis by UCD

Claire Kilroy

Solar Bones deur Mike McCormack

Mike McCormack het iets fenomenaal vasgevang Sonbene, 'n roman oor 'n gewone, ordentlike man wat verskeie aspekte van sy gewone, ordentlike lewe oorweeg. Baie hiervan verstom hom, sommige maak hom woedend (die korrupte politikus word besonder goed uitgebeeld), maar dit alles is gedompel in sy liefde vir sy gesinslewe, 'n lewe wat hy nie heeltemal begryp nie, is reeds verby, want dit is All Souls 'Dag, die dag waarop die siele van die dooies terugkeer na hul gesinshuis.

Die omvang van die eksperimentisme van McCormack en sy menslikheid - twee eienskappe wat selde by dieselfde skrywer voorkom - dui aan dat die groot 20ste -eeuse Ierse prosa -vernuwers, James Joyce en Samuel Beckett, in sy DNA is, maar hy vang die verwarring en onrus van Ierland op onlangse oorgang van majeur na mineur met so 'n hart en stilistiese behendigheid dat hy reeds as een van die groot Ierse prosaskrywers van die 21ste eeu beskou kan word.
Claire Kilroy se romans sluit Tenderwire en The Devil I Know in

Marina Carr

Ierland uitvind deur Declan Kiberd

Dit is 'n briljante opgrawing en verkenning van die Ierse psige deur die prisma van ons literatuur. Dit begin by Wilde en gaan deur na Friel, met ander hoofstukke wat historiese en sosiale konteks stel. As my beskrywing droog klink, is die boek nie. Dit is geskryf met groot humor, erudisie, aplomb en 'n gesonde dosis ironie oor die uitvinding van onsself, die nasie, wie ons dink ons ​​is en wie ons moontlik kan wees. Wat Kiberd briljant vasvang, is die tragiese grootsheid van die Ierse verbeelding en die terugkeer na die verdwene tye: harpe, baarde, Tuatha dé Dannan, Cúchulainn,

Kathleen Ni Houlihan en vele meer. Al die toetsstene van ons mitiese en mistieke verlede wat nog steeds soos mis deur ons are sypel ondanks ons beste pogings om dit uit te skakel. Soos Nell in Beckett s’n Eindspel ons refrein blyk steeds te wees: 'Ag gister. . . ”

En miskien is dit die beste van ons. . . en as ons gelukkig is, kan dit ons na die toekoms neem.

Ierland uitgevind is 'n moet-lees vir almal wat wil weet wie ons is, wat ons was en, met die genade van God, wat ons eendag kan word.
Marina Carr se nuutste toneelstuk was 'n verwerking van Anna Karenina in die Abbey Theatre. Sy het pas die Windham-Campbell-prys van $ 165 000 gewen

Sara Baume

Martin John deur Anakana Schofield

Wat veral interessant is Martin John, Anakana Schofield se tweede roman, is dat dit voel asof die Ierse skrywer in Vancouver aan die werk gespring het deur 'n lys van faktore op te stel wat 'n boek moontlik onleesbaar maak. Dit is uiteenlopend en herhalend, die onderwerp is oor die algemeen diep ontstellend.

Die protagonis is 'n geregistreerde seksoortreder in die stad Londen nadat hy deur sy teisterende ma uit sy huis in die weste van Ierland geskors is. Vir die grootste deel van die roman is ons vasgevang in sy siklus van stryd en struikel en berou.

Martin John is 'n werk van wonderlike teenstrydigheid: die ongemaklike inhoud wat die indrukwekkende styl, onweerstaanbare ritme en buitengewoon troebel humor in die gesig staar. Dit is risiko-neemende fiksie op sy insiggewendste wat dit ons vertel oor die Ierland van vandag, uitstekend sonder rooskleurige bril is.
Sara Baume se nuutste roman is A Line Made by Walking

Lisa McInerney

Young Skins deur Colin Barrett

Daar is geen ware portret van die Ierse lewe na die millennium nie, as die sublieme versameling landskap-in-portrette van Colin Barrett Jong velle. Die hoofkarakters is grotendeels roerloos en laat jong mans mis, maar daar is ook jong vroue wat deur omstandighede opdryf of bedwelm, en gemeenskappe wat deurtrek en verlange onuitgedruk is, en soms 'n kwaai en skokkende bewustheid van die grense om 'n mens se lewe op 'n klam rots te leef. in die Noord -Atlantiese Oseaan.

Dit is Ierland op sy mees frustrerende en belemmerende, maar ook op sy mees opregte en brutaal werklike manier. Ek ken elkeen van hierdie karakters, elke pad wat hulle stap, elke motor waarin hulle spring, elke kroeg waar hulle beland, elke terugvoer wat hulle na hul vyande spoeg. Vir die leser wat Ierland se siel wil sien en ken, is dit die boek.
Lisa McInerney se debuutroman, The Glorious Heresies, het die Baileys -prys vir vrouefiksie en die Desmond Elliott -prys gewen. Die vervolg, The Blood Miracles, verskyn volgende maand

Fintan O'Toole

The Gathering deur Anne Enright

Die samekoms, wat die Booker -prys in 2007 gewen het, doen wat net die beste fiksie kan regkry: dit maak iets samehangend uit onmoontlike teenstrydighede. En die onmoontlike teenstrydigheid is waar die hedendaagse Ierland is.

Die boek is postmodern in sy uiterste globalisering, maar dikwels premodern in sy stryd om 'n diep, donker verlede te verwerk. Ekonomies en kultureel is dit uiters oop, maar dit is vol stiltes en geheime.

Die aangrypende roman van Enright raak die kern van hierdie tweeledigheid. Dit is op die oog af 'n baie tradisionele Ierse roman: 'n begrafnis, ballingskap, 'n groot gesin, geheime. Maar dit neem hierdie tradisionele vorm aan en stoot dit in die hiper-verbruikerswêreld van die bloeitydperk Ierland van die gees-2000's.

Dit is 'n pragtig geskrewe fiksie eerder as 'n werk van sosiologie, maar dit gee u 'n baie skerp gevoel van 'n samelewing wat op sommige maniere heeltemal op dreef is, maar op ander in die verlede nog veranker is. Dit het baie hartseer, 'n mate van vreugde en 'n soort hipnotiese energie, wat Ierland in die 21ste eeu voel.
Fintan O'Toole is mederedakteur van Modern Ireland in 100 kunswerke

David Park

Kinderkinders deur Jan Carson

As u na Ierland kom, is 'n besoek aan Noord -Ierland noodsaaklik. Ons kan die probleme natuurlik vir u verpak met bus- en taxi -toere, maar dit is die beste om 'n geskiedenis te vermy wat min sin het en gewoonlik net stammitologie is. Vir die regte geskiedenis kan u een van ons talle Game of Thrones -toere onderneem, 'n mantel dra, uself met 'n swaard bewapen. En as u wil hê dat 'n boek op u reis na die noorde moet lees, kies dan Jan Carson's Children's Children om 'n oorspronklike portret van die burgers van Belfast te kry. In sy wêreld van magiese realisme ontmoet jy 'n menslike standbeeld wat die bewegingsverlies verloor, 'n drywende kind vasgemaak aan 'n agterplaasheining en 'n man wat die straat buite sy deur begin borsel en dan aanhou. Donker humoristies, die verhale is 'n lewendige bewys dat ons wêreld net so mal en mooi is soos enigiemand anders, en hier op die top van die eiland is alles wat ons ooit wou hê,
David Park se nuutste werk is Gods and Angels

Peter Murphy

Notas van 'n koma deur Mike McCormack

Notas van 'n koma, wat in 2005 gepubliseer is, was die eerste Ierse roman wat die begin-effekte van tegnologie op die psige aanspreek, wat realisties in 'n klein dorpie saam met die 21ste-eeuse gebabbel aanspreek.

Die sentrale karakter is JJ O 'Malley, 'n moeilike jeug wat in die weste van Mayo grootword nadat hy uit 'n Roemeense weeshuis gered is. Vervloek met 'n briljante, maar onrustige gemoed, ly JJ aan 'n ineenstorting na die dood van sy beste vriend en vrywilligers as 'n proefkonyn in 'n omstrede pilot -EU -strafskema genaamd die Somnos -projek, wat diep koma voorstel as 'n ekonomies lewensvatbare alternatief vir huidige stelsels van gevangenisstraf.

JJ word 'n nasionale ikoon en dryf in 'n gevangenisskip wat in Killary Harbour vasgemeer is. In 'n onvergeetlike toneel het massas by 'n musiekfees byeengekom voor sy beeld op die groot skerms, en gesing: "Ons is nie waardig nie."

Die struktuur van die boek is kontrapuntaal: eenvoudige getuienisse van sleutelfigure in JJ se lewe word afgewissel met 'n gestileerde en hiper-serebrale parallelle vertelling wat weergegee word in 'n vorm van Coma-spraak waarvan die gewelfde kompleksiteit suggereer dat Philip K Dick regressieterapie ondergaan.

McCormack het die boek onder die invloed van totemwerke geskryf Gravity's Rainbow, Botsing, Riddley Walker en Neuromansier, asook boeke deur Christopher Priest en Richard Powers. 'N Spekulatiewe roman in 'n Middeleeuse landskap, Notas van 'n koma was een van die min boom-romans wat die weergawe van Ierse fiksie wat deur die toerisme-raad goedgekeur is, verwerp het ten gunste van 'n postmoderne (en distopiese) visie op die lewe van die 21ste eeu.
Die nuutste roman van Peter Murphy is Shall We Gather at the River

Martina Evans

Vertel, geselekteerde verhale deur Evelyn Conlon

Niemand het 'n stem soos Evelyn Conlon nie. Jy weet nooit wat sy volgende gaan sê nie. Sy kom uit 'n vreemde hoek wat skielik die enigste hoek is wat die moeite werd is.

Met verhale wat wissel van die intens liriese geheue van 'n flitslig wat op 'n sloot gespeel het die aand toe Kennedy geskiet is tot die voorbehoedingsoorloë van die 1980's, opstandige vroue in 'n skryfwerkswinkel en duisendjarige hype, is Conlon werklik modern, maar gewortel in die geskiedenis van Ierse vroue .

As u eers haar greep ervaar het, sal u nie wil ophou nie, soos die verteller van Neem Scarlet as 'n regte kleur: 'Ek sal jou vertel wat daar in boeke staan, Susan. Ek wou nooit lees nie en ek wens ek het nooit begin nie, maar dit is soos 'n alkoholis wat kerm oor Kerspoeding, dit is nou te laat. ”
Martina Evans is 'n romanskrywer en digter. Haar nuutste versameling is The Windows of Graceland

Donal Ryan
The Lost Child of Philomena Lee deur Martin Sixsmith

Die mense wat nog leef en wat betrokke was by die slawerny van ongetroude moeders en die terminale verwaarlosing en verkoop van hul kinders, onthou blykbaar niks van hul dade nie. Gelukkig is die herinneringe aan sommige van hul slagoffers ongeskonde en moet hulle druk. The Lost Child of Philomena Lee deur Martin Sixsmith vertel die lewensverhaal van 'n vrou wat in die Sean Ross Abbey in Roscrea aangehou is toe sy swanger geraak het in 1950. Na drie jaar omgee vir haar seun in die abdij, is hy van haar gesteel en verkoop, saam met 'n dogtertjie, aan 'n Amerikaanse egpaar. Philomena en haar seun Michael het hul lewens deurgebring om na mekaar te soek. Hierdie hartverskeurende verhaal sal almal wat pas hier aangekom het, help om te verstaan ​​waarom ons tans in die gesig staar dat ons land vol ongemerkte kuipe vol bene is.
Die nuutste werk van Donal Ryan is All We Shall Know

Colum McCann
Pond deur Claire-Louise Bennett

Een van die boeke wat my uit my gemaksone geruk het, was Pond deur Claire-Louise Bennett. Die Ierland wat sy skep, is deeglik bekend, en tog het dit vir my gevoel dat ek nog nie daar was nie, ten minste nie in die land van letterkunde nie. Ek was ook baie lief vir wat Edna O'Brien in haar roman The Little Red Chairs gedoen het. Sy brei haar idee van Ierland uit tot in Europa en selfs verder.
Letters to a Young Writer deur Colum McCann word in Mei gepubliseer

Paschal Donohoe
Skippy Dies deur Paul Murray

Skippy Dies deur Paul Murray is 'n meesterstuk uit baie genres. Behendig
weef komedie, tragedie en satire deur die lewe en dood van
Skippy, hierdie roman het my sedertdien vermaak en diep geraak
publikasie in 2010. Die horisonne van hierdie werk is so wyd en strek
van die fisika van snaarteorie, tot eerste liefde en selfs aanraking
die gevare van donuts. Geleë in die Seabrook College for Boys, die
Die verhaal van Skippy en sy kamermaat Ruprecht het my laat lag en toe huil ek
met hartseer. Op meer as 600 bladsye is dit aanvanklik ook gepubliseer as
drie volumes. Dit moet egter geen moontlike leser afskrik nie. Dit
begin en eindig met die dood. Maar daar is soveel bedrywige lewe in
tussen.
Paschal Donohoe is die minister van openbare uitgawes en hervorming


Angela's Ashes deur Frank McCourt

"Die reën het ons die kerk ingedryf - ons toevlug, ons krag, ons enigste droë plek"

Die Georgiese paaie en kompakte middeleeuse wyk van Limerick het uiteindelik uit die troebel straatbeeld van Frank McCourt se kinderjare in die 1930's gekom om 'n lewendige bestemming te word. Hierdie aangrypende herinnering en huldeblyk aan sy ma, Angela, wat in 1996 gepubliseer is, het sy bod op oorlewing in huurgeldstoestande aan die rand van die Limerick -samelewing blootgelê en hom 'n Pulitzer -prys besorg. Onbekend aan die jong McCourt, in die stad het die toekomstige Hollywood-legende Richard Harris en Terry Wogan in verskillende omstandighede grootgeword, sonder die reënverhaal van die dood, naby honger en nood. Gaan na O'Connelllaan na South's Bar en kyk waar Frank se pa hul skamele inkomste uit hul gesin weggedrink het.


'Unheard-of Mortality' …. The Black Death in Ireland

Die studie van die Swart Dood in Ierland is belaai met probleme: die paar Ierse kroniekskrywers en annaliste vertel ons relatief min daaroor; 'n verdere komplikasie was die byna voortdurende oorlogvoering en die gevolglike ekonomiese agteruitgang wat reeds aan die gang was voor die plaag in 1348. Nietemin, daar is genoeg bewyse dat die Swart Dood en die daaropvolgende uitbrake daarvan 'n beduidende en blywende uitwerking in Ierland gehad het. Byvoorbeeld, dendochronologiese studies het getoon dat eikebome in die latere veertiende eeu weer opgebou is, maar bewys dat die argeologiese bewyse aansienlik verminder is, hoewel dit min is, dui op 'n onderbreking in die handel en handel wat tot die middel van die vyftiende duur.

Deur hawens ingevoer

Die gevolge van die pes was nie eenvormig nie: die Anglo-Ierse kolonie is meer omvattend en radikaal geraak as die Gaeliese Ierland. Dit tref eers in die hawens van die kolonie, wat deur besmette rotte en hul vlooie daarheen vervoer word in die ruimtes van handelskepe of in handelsware. Volgens Friar John Clyn, die Franciskaanse monnik in Kilkenny, waarvan die rekord feitlik die enigste ooggetuie is, verskyn dit eers in Howth of Dalkey en versprei dit einde Julie of begin Augustus na Dublin en Drogheda. Dit het Bristol vroeg op 24 Junie en op die laaste op 1 Augustus bereik. Die kort tydjie tussen sy aankoms in Bristol en in Ierland sou daarop dui dat die plaag direk vanaf die vasteland, waarskynlik uit die streek Bordeaux, na Ierland gebring is.
Oor die algemeen was die oordragpaaie na die res van die land langs landroetes tussen die hawens en markdorpe, langs die riviere wat markdorpe en hawens verbind, veral in die ooste en suide, en deur seevaart tussen hawens in die ooste en suidkus. Dit is duidelik dat Dublin en Drogheda een kern van die siekte gevorm het. Gegewe die vinnige verspreiding van die plaag in die eerste maande en die algemene traagheid van reis oor land, is dit waarskynlik dat die siekte direk vanaf Engeland of die vasteland in die suide ingebring is deur besige hawens soos Waterford, Youghal en Cork. Maar in die binneland van hierdie hawens, veral in die swaarder gevestigde dele van die ooste en suide, kon transmissie oor land plaasgevind het, aangesien die afstande nie groot was nie. Boonop het die plaag op indringende maagdelike gebied dikwels 'n pneumoniese (luggedraagde) vorm aanneem, veral gedurende die wintermaande, wat direkte oordrag tussen mense beteken, en gevolglik 'n vinniger verspreiding en 'n hoër sterftesyfer.

'Ongehoord van sterftes'

Die pes het tussen Augustus en Desember in Dublin gewoed en 'n patroon gestel vir die terreur wat dit deur ander dele van die land sou versprei. Clyn skryf dat 'uit baie vrees en afgryse, mans selde dapper genoeg was om die werke van vroomheid en barmhartigheid te verrig, soos om siekes te besoek en dooies te begrawe' en bestaande preke dui op oorlewendes in Drogheda wat die eiendom van weduwees en minderjariges gryp. Ander het gereageer deur op pelgrimstog of deur gebed te gaan. Openbare funksies is gekanselleer, soos voorgestel deur 'n ongekende breuk in die rekord van die preke van Richard Fitzralph, aartsbiskop van Armagh, tussen 11 Mei 1348 en sy volgende preek op 25 Maart 1349, en dan weer tot sy vertrek uit die land in Junie 1349 Daar is 'n volledige leemte in die verslag van die parlementsittings tussen 1348 en 1350 Junie en 'n soortgelyke ontwrigting in die verslag van die sittings van die hof.
In hierdie stadium was die pes baie aansteeklik, sodat 'elkeen wat aan die siekes of die dooies geraak het, onmiddellik besmet is en gesterf het'. Clyn beklemtoon ook die verwoesting: 'Daar was skaars 'n huis waarin 'n mens net gesterf het, maar as 'n reël het man en vrou met hul kinders en die hele gesin die gewone manier van dood gegaan'. Friars en abdye is swaar getref: vyf-en-twintig Franciscaanse broeiers sterf in Drogheda, drie-en-twintig in Dublin. 'N Annalis in die Franciskaanse kerk in Nenagh vertel ons uit Dublin dat hierdie' ongehoorde sterfte 'na omliggende dorpe en dorpe versprei het, waarvan baie sonder inwoners gelaat is. Dat beide pneumoniese en builstamme van die pes teenwoordig was, word bewys deur die grafiese beskrywings van Friar Clyn, wat die simptome van beide vorme bevat: hy beskryf die uitbarstings in die lies of onder die oksel wat kenmerkend is van builepes wat meestal deur vlooibyt oorgedra word, maar ook die hoofpyn en bloedspoeg wat die pneumoniese vorm onderskei. Die oordrag deur direkte kontak was heel waarskynlik toe in Dublin en Drogheda in die eerste meer virulente fases van die uitbreek van die plaag in Ierland. Aangesien dit verby hierdie eerste fases na die omliggende platteland gegaan het, is dit onwaarskynlik dat dit in sy pneumoniese vorm voortduur, veral as dit wegbeweeg het van die groter dorpe en gebiede met die digste nedersetting. Its transmission to the rest of the country would have been by a creeping epizootic of rat and flea contacts, determined by the density of the rat and flea populations this in turn depended on the density of the human population, and on the frequency and extent of trade.

Before the end of the year 1348, the plague had penetrated into Louth, Meath and Kildare and had reached Kilkenny by 25 December 1348. The fact that it took so long suggests it reached the city from the south-east along river traffic on the Barrow, rather than overland from Dublin. Clyn tells us that the pestilence was rife in Kilkenny between Christmas and March and took a toll of eight Dominican friars in one March day alone. Clyn does not record any more deaths he died himself soon after, very likely of the plague. But given its contagious nature, the plague would have inevitably spread among others of Clyn’s Franciscan community as well as among the town’s inhabitants. The record falls silent again until June 1349 when the prior of the Augustinian monastery of St Catherine in Waterford died of it. The plague spread along the south-east and south, to New Ross, Clonmel, Cashel, Youghal and Cork, though we do not know the exact dates. The Nenagh annalist is our only direct source for its transmission in the south and he focuses only on those deaths of interest to the Franciscan order. He records the deaths on 10 and 29 August of two friars at Nenagh. By 1 November, the plague had reached Limerick, where the death of one friar is noted. It then very likely spread to Ennis, County Clare, where the death is recorded of Matthew Caoch MacConmara, a lay patron of the Franciscans. And in the following year, the annalist notes the death of Traolach, son of Donncha O’Brien, who was buried at Nenagh. Though the cause of these latter deaths is not mentioned explicitly, their juxtaposition alongside the entry recording the coming of the plague to Ireland strongly indicates that these were plague deaths.
Drogheda, Dublin, New Ross, Waterford, Youghal and Cork: the catalogue of port towns testifies to the fact that coastal areas bore the brunt of the disease. The English chronicler, Ralph Higden writes that the plague was ‘especially violent…around the coastal towns of England and Ireland’. Fitzralph in an address to the pope in 1349 stated ‘the plague had fallen most heavily on those who lived near the sea and has found more victims among fisherfolk and sailors than among any other class of men’. However, the less populated areas of the north and west did not escape entirely. The plague is recorded in Ulster in 1349 when ‘great destruction of people was inflicted therein’, though only two victims are named. The plague raged in Connacht and, according to the annals, especially in Moylurg in County Roscommon in 1349, again probably in late November or early December the Four Masters merely record that ‘great numbers were carried off’. The Annals of Clonmacnoise also record the Black Death in Roscommon in 1348, probably a scribal error since the plague would most likely have taken longer to reach the west of Ireland. The disease was active in Mayo as late as 1350 and the annalist there writes of the deaths of William Ó Dúda, Bishop of Killala, Concubhar Ó Lochlainn, Cathal Ó Flathartaigh, the son of Dónal Mac Gearranagastair and his brothers who all died ‘within six days because of the pestilence’. The Annals of Loch Cé record the deaths of five persons, including the Bishop of Killala, in 1350.

Gaelic Irish less affected

However, the brevity and formulaic quality of the annalists’ entries would suggest that the Gaelic-Irish population was not affected to the same extent as was the Anglo-Irish colony. Other commentators agree: Geoffrey Le Baker, a contemporary English chronicler, wrote that the plague in Ireland ‘killed the English inhabitants there in great numbers, but the native Irish, living in the mountains and uplands, were scarcely touched’, though he adds that in a later outbreak in 1357, the plague took the Gaelic-Irish ‘unawares and annihilated them everywhere’. In summer 1349, Archbishop Fitzralph asserted the plague had not yet reached the ‘Irish nation’. The Great Council in July 1360 complained of a plague that was ‘so great and so hideous among the English lieges, and not among the Irish’. The main reason for this disparity was that Anglo-Irish settlements were more vulnerable to the inroads of rats and fleas. The colonists were mostly concentrated in land below 600 feet, leaving the mountainous, hilly and less accessible areas to the Gaelic-Irish whose settlements were mainly pastoral and scattered, either in irregular nucleated rural settlements or individual farmsteads. The Anglo-Normans had settled mainly in well-drained, lower-lying land east of a line from Skibbereen to Galway to Coleraine this was the area in which the Black Death wrought its havoc. A network of villages with strong trading links characterised much of this area: ideal conditions for the transmission of plague.
Severe mortality was noted in County Dublin, on the royal manors of Newcastle Lyons, Saggart, Crumlin, Oughterard and Castlewarny in County Tipperary, on the estates of the Archbishop of Cashel and in the manor of Lisronagh numerous manors in Kilkenny and Meath by 1351 were left with empty cottages, untilled lands and fallen rents because of the deaths by plague of tenants. The priory of Augustinian nuns at Lismullin in County Meath suffered greatly from the plague and its successor of 1361 and its numbers were reduced from fifty-four to thirty-two, a mortality of 42.6 per cent that is close to the 45 per cent average death rate calculated for monasteries in England. The monastery of Llanthony Secunda in Duleek, County Meath, was left with vacant holdings because the tenants fled. These details suggest that the mortality from the plague in the more densely populated areas was between 40 and 50 per cent. Surviving records indicate high mortality among the clergy, though again since most chroniclers were monastic, they tended to focus on their clerical brethern. Mortality among the Irish bishops was about 18 per cent, similar to the estimate for the bishops of England. Mortality among the lower ranks of the clergy was higher, since they had greater contact with the public: Clyn writes that the pestilence was so contagious that ‘both the penitent and the confessor were together borne to the grave’. Mortality was highest among the regular clergy, given that abbeys and friaries offered ideal conditions for the propagation of the plague bacillus. The Franciscans lost almost 50 per cent of their houses in Dublin and Drogheda. In 1361 after a succession of plagues, only two friars remained in the Franciscan house at Nenagh, and a similar figure is reported in 1365 as surviving in the neighbouring Tyone Priory of St John. In other places, such as St Catherine’s in Waterford, only the death of the prior is recorded, but given the highly contagious nature of the plague, the number of plague deaths must have been far higher than has been recorded.

After the plague…

The effects of such loss of life were at once immediate and long-lasting. In rural areas, landlords were faced with a continuing shortage of tenants, falling rents and profits tenants were able to profit from the labour shortage and seek higher wages and better conditions, though conditions for tenants in the colony never became as favourable as in England. A few reports indicate its devastation: in 1351 on the estates of the see of Cashel the ‘lands and rents have been all but totally destroyed by the king’s Irish enemies and by the mortality of their tenants in the last plague’. On the de Burgh estates in Meath, Kilkenny and Tipperary, holdings fell tenantless and remained so through 1351 because tenants could not be found. Numerous manors in County Kilkenny, for example, were severely hit: on the manor of Latthedran over sixty acres of land were still reported as ‘waste’ in 1351 over 127 acres and three cottages on the manor of Loughmoran were reported as vacant in Easter 1350 because of pestilence on the manor of Callan one-sixth of the land was tenantless in 1348-9 and by the following year this had risen to over half, over 300 acres. By 1351, vacant holdings had dropped to twenty-six acres, but the fact that the manor’s revenues continued to fall suggests that some tenants may have enlarged their holdings to include the vacant lands. In other manors rents were reduced, to attract new tenants and to dissuade others from moving elsewhere. Obviously, the impact of the plague varied from region to region, depending on the nature of the terrain and communications. What is clear is that the continuation of warfare and the demands this created made recovery even more difficult. The 1352 plea for royal aid from the tenants and farmers of the king’s manors in County Dublin echoed a complaint common throughout the east and south:
as well because of the late pestilence in that land as on account of the excessive prises of the king’s ministers in Ireland, they are so entirely impoverished that, unless a remedy be applied, they will not be able to maintain themselves and pay the farm due to the king.
But despite all measures, reduced rental returns and vacant holdings are still reported for the royal demesnes well into the 1360s and later. A record from 1392-3 for the township of Colemanstown in the manor of Newcastle Lyons, Dublin, reported that only three tenants remained there, sixteen of the tenants having been ‘cut off by the late pestilence’.
In cities and towns the effects were even more immediately evident, given their larger populations living in quarters favourable to the transmission of disease. Clyn writes that 14,000 people died in Dublin between 8 August and 25 December, indicating an average daily mortality of one hundred. Whatever the mathematical accuracy of this figure, it highlights the extent of the mortality in Dublin which propelled a demographic decline that was to continue until the mid-sixteenth century when one estimate puts its population at 8,000 inhabitants. A report from 1351 notes that ‘in the time of the said pestilence the greater part of the citizens of Cork and other faithful men of the King dwelling there all went the way of the flesh’. Houses were left uninhabited, indicating that whole families must have died. High mortality is noted in Drogheda, New Ross, Waterford and in the busy port town of Youghal, where sources would suggest a mortality of about 45 per cent among the burgesses of the town, a figure in line with the 40-50 per cent figure calculated for coastal settlements elsewhere.

Towns devastated

The effects of the plague on the towns were devastating. Labour shortages and the consequent disruption of the rural economy threatened the food supply to towns: food shortages became frequent. Conditions for survivors continued to worsen: towns became the object of the incursions of resurgent Gaelic chieftains the resulting increased defence costs meant higher taxes on a shrinking population. Many towns fell into arrears and in ever increasing numbers petitioned for tax relief, citing both the pestilence and war as the agents of their misfortune: Dublin, New Ross, Clonmel all petitoned for aid in 1351. So too did Waterford, Drogheda, Youghal and others. The burdens were such that many left Ireland altogether. In Dublin, for example, in 1427 ‘owing to pestilence, incursions and divers heavy burthens…the citizens were unable to pay the rent to the Crown…Many of the commons had subsequently left Dublin and would not return to the city, on which great loss and manifest desolation was thus entailed’. Emigration continued, despite all efforts to stem the flow by requiring licenses to emigrate or to transport emigrants. Contemporary records create a picture of houses decaying, empty lots and ruined walls. In Cork, victims’ houses were reported to be falling into ruin in 1351. Contraction was an inevitable result: part of the quayside in Drogheda fell into disuse, indicating a downturn in trade in this busy port. A gap in the pottery record in Cork between 1350 and 1450 is a silent testimony to the decline in population, the decrease in demand and disruption in trade that happened in the wake of the plague. Even smaller inland market towns suffered, though those without a commercial base suffered most. In the smaller villages, many burgesses unable to support themselves probably drifted into becoming labourers, taking advantage of the labour shortages in the rural sector. The effect was to hasten the disappearance of smaller villages, a process that was to continue into the seventeenth century, though only one, Kinsalebeg, has been positively identified as having been deserted due to the Black Death.

Demographic effects

As with any epidemic, the outbreak of 1348 cannot be treated in isolation and a study of its demographic effects cannot be considered apart from the later related outbreaks. The recurring nature of the plague meant that sustained recovery was not possible and a chronic pattern of crisis mortality set in. In 1361, there was ‘a great mortality of people, consuming many men but few women’, and in 1363 there was ‘a great mortality in Ireland and especially in Connacht, Thomond, Kerry and Desmond’. There were outbreaks in 1370, 1383, 1390-3, 1398 and periodically thereafter. And these are just the outbreaks that have been recorded there may have been other localised outbreaks that were not noted in the official records. Admittedly, later outbreaks were less virulent, though research in other countries has shown that areas which escaped the plague in 1347-9 were severely affected in later outbreaks. Many chroniclers note that later outbreaks often affected young people particularly. Plagues affecting children are recorded in 1350 and 1361 and in 1370 the Annals of St Marys Abbey Dublin recorded a great pestilence ‘of which many nobles and citizens and especially young people and children died’. This had obvious consequences for fertility and ensured that the population’s chances of recovering from plague mortality were further damaged. The recurrence of the plague was in effect the single, most significant effect of the Black Death: the long-term result was crisis mortality, lower fertility and had a profound effect on slowing population recovery. Whereas there was some demographic recovery in the earlier decades of the sixteenth century in Europe, this did not happen until the seventeenth century in Ireland, thanks to the continuation of warfare, the frontier conditions of colonial life in Ireland and recurring outbreaks of plague.
The precise contribution of the Black Death to this demographic decline eludes quantification. The continuation of natural mortality, of other fatal diseases and our ignorance of contemporary population figures makes the task of estimation well-nigh impossible. There is the important consideration that Ireland in general had not experienced the same population growth in the thirteenth century as had England and other European countries and Irish towns in particular were not as crowded as European towns. Moreover in Ireland, it is difficult even to come up with satisfactory figures for specific groups or areas as the records are not comprehensive or consistent. Archbishop Fitzralph stated it had destroyed more than two-thirds of the English nation in Ireland and individual religious houses claimed death rates of over 50 per cent, figures that tally with historians’ estimates of overall mortality in Europe. The plague’s effect on demographic decline in Ireland in the later middle ages was a cumulative one. Thanks to famine and warfare, the population of the colony in Ireland had already been declining for some decades before the Black Death. The plague sealed the downward trend many epidemiologists would even argue that exogenous factors such as pestilence are, in the end, ultimately responsible for large-scale demographic downturns. But for those alive in 1348, the Black Death was an inexplicable and inescapable disease and its aftershocks were felt long after the terror it first inspired had been forgotten.

Maria Kelly is a history graduate of University College Cork.

Further reading:

M. Kelly, A History of the Black Death in Ireland (Stroud 2001).

K. Down, ‘Colonial society and economy in the high Middle Ages’ in A. Cosgrove (ed.), A New History of Ireland, ii: Medieval Ireland 1169-1534 (Oxford 1987).


Medieval Latin Manuscripts

Trinity College Library holds an exceptional collection of medieval manuscripts written in Latin, Irish, French, German, Italian, Greek, Icelandic and Middle English.

The Library&rsquos Latin manuscripts comprise around 450 separately numbered items and are especially rich in historical and theological texts. The medieval codices for which the Library is best known are the Book of Kells (MS 58, c. 800 AD) the Book of Durrow (MS 57, c. 700 AD), and the Book of Armagh (MS 52, c. 807 AD). These and other Gospel manuscripts of the period, including the so-called "Codex Usserianus Primus", (MS 55, ?5th century), the Book of Dimma and the Book of Mulling (both 8th century AD) form part of the changing exhibition in the Old Library.

Other celebrated manuscripts in the collection include:

  • MS 81: the Fagel Missal produced by the nuns of Delft in AD 1459-1460
  • MS 53: a 12th-century New Testament and Psalter from Winchcombe Abbey in England
  • MS 177: a life of St Alban written and decorated by the great 13th-century English historian and artist Matthew Paris

The Tribes of Galway

Galway is often referred to as The City of The Tribes. This is in reference to the fourteen families who dominated the political and commercial life of the city between the 13th and 18th centuries. Much of the religious silverware produced in Galway was commissioned by these prominent Galway families and donated to religious institutions. Twelve of the fourteen Galway Tribes are represented in memorial inscriptions on these ecclesiastical chalices, namely, Kirwan, D’Arcy, Bodkin, Skerrett, Lynch, Joyce, Browne, Font, French, Deane, Martin and Blake with Morris and Athy the only absentees.

Galway Hallmarks

Prior to 1784 and the establishment of the Irish Assay Mark, Galway goldsmiths had their own mark of origin. This mark is identified by an anchor. This town stamp was usually accompanied by the initials of the maker. From 1683 until 1737, four of Galway’s goldsmiths marked their ware accordingly

  • Barthelomew Fallon, 1683 – 1718
  • Richard Joyce, 1691 – 1737
  • Mark Fallon, 1714 – 1731
  • Thomas Lynch, 1720 – 1724

There seems to have been a connection between Richard Joyce and Richard Fallon. Not only did they make pieces at the same time for the same customers, but several pieces are known to have a stamping from both Joyce and Fallon. Two notable examples are The Fitzgearld-Darsy Chalice dated 1719 and silver tankard dated 1720, now in the Victoria and Albert Museum in London.

In 1784, an act was passed requiring all Irish goldsmiths to register with the Dublin Assay Office, which had been established by royal charter in 1637. Between 1874 and 1817, a total of twenty six goldsmiths from County Galway registered their names with the Dublin Goldsmiths Company.


The Concise History of Ireland

I picked up this book to read while driving the Wild Atlantic Way because it appeared a) light (it says concise right in the title) b) scholarly (Professor Duffy, Medieval History, Trinity College Dublin) c) contained plenty of maps, graphs and images (to help someone with only a passing knowledge of Irish, particularly ancient Irish, geography).

The inside cover states: "A specialist in medieval Irish history, he gives the earlier period its due treatment" Truer words were never spoken. It takes I picked up this book to read while driving the Wild Atlantic Way because it appeared a) light (it says concise right in the title) b) scholarly (Professor Duffy, Medieval History, Trinity College Dublin) c) contained plenty of maps, graphs and images (to help someone with only a passing knowledge of Irish, particularly ancient Irish, geography).

The inside cover states: "A specialist in medieval Irish history, he gives the earlier period its due treatment" Truer words were never spoken. It takes fifty pages to get to the Vikings and a hundred to get to English plantations. Unfortunately, too much ink is spilt on the etymology of names and regions. The Irish monks/missionaries are quickly passed over and the discussion of the Viking arrivals is limited to the founding of a few towns.

Irish history should be exceedingly entertaining reading. However, this book has large sections drier than a mormon funeral. Honestly, the six pages dedicated to the chronology of events at the end of the book were more stimulating than large sections. Professor Duffy attempts balance and scholarship but unfortunately is too successful and drains much of the colour from the history.

The book is also written in 2000 and not updated so it finishes with the Good Friday Accord, making the book rather dated. 2 stars for the writing, +1 for the excellent maps, graphs and images. . meer

Sean Duffy, an Irish historian, is true to the word in his title, a "concise" history of Ireland. The book is an over sized one, 240 pages of text and illustrations which summarizes Ireland&aposs history from pre-historic times to 2000, at the end of the 90&aposs when Ireland&aposs economy was booming and it was known as the "Celtic Tiger".
But prosperity was the rare exception for this island country throughout most of its history, at least for most of its inhabitants. It&aposs always been a case of the "have Sean Duffy, an Irish historian, is true to the word in his title, a "concise" history of Ireland. The book is an over sized one, 240 pages of text and illustrations which summarizes Ireland's history from pre-historic times to 2000, at the end of the 90's when Ireland's economy was booming and it was known as the "Celtic Tiger".
But prosperity was the rare exception for this island country throughout most of its history, at least for most of its inhabitants. It's always been a case of the "have-nots" trying to take land, Ireland's main resource from its beginnings, from the "haves".
The Viking raiders began the plundering of the island at the end of the 8th century. Gradually, some of them became integrated into the Irish population, but these "haves" were over a period of centuries embroiled in battles, usually losing ones, with more "raiders", in later times associated with the British kings who doled out grants of Irish lands to their favorites, or launched military campaigns (Oliver Cromwell's was the most famous)to seize land.
Over centuries it was always a question of whether the "haves" were going to fight for power or whether they would try to accommodate themselves to the new "invaders" (who ironically didn't see themselves as that - Ireland was considedred a part of Britain).
Bloody insurrections marked the 19th century and the first two decades of the 20th century as the battle shifted from gaining more legislative power within the British electoral system to an outright declaration of Ireland independence. The tragedy of Ireland in the 20th century was the result of the separation of the six counties of northern Ireland from the rest of the country, and the allegiance of its mostly Protestant inhabitants to Britain. What was ignored were the rights of a large Catholic minority (Catholicism, oddly, became hopelessly politicized and was a mark of Irish identity). This time bomb of, again, "have-nots" exploded din the l960's and killed thousands before a tentative power-sharing agreement was reached at the end of the 90's.
Ireland's future? Wie weet? At some point, I'd guess that there will be a reunification. Economically, it has benefited enormously from being a part of the European Uion and from its tax incentives which have lured foreign corporations into the country. But these may be temporary fixes for what has always been a small agricultural-based, usually poor, country.


Catalogues and Bibliography

Catalogues for individual collections are available in the reading room of the Manuscripts and Archives Research Library.

Many of the manuscripts discussed can be viewed digitally on Irish Script on Screen and Corpus of Electronic Texts.

T.K. Abbott and E.J. Gwynn, Catalogue of Irish Manuscripts in the Library of Trinity College Dublin (Dublin: Hodges, Figgis & Co, 1921)

E. Bhreathnach and B. Cunningham (eds), Writing Irish History: The Four Masters and their World (Dublin: Wordwell, 2007)

G. Mac Niocaill, "The Irish-language manuscripts" in: Treasures of the Library, Trinity College Dublin (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy for Trinity College Library, 1986), pp. 57-66

W. O&rsquoSullivan, "The Irish Manuscripts in Case H in Trinity College Dublin" Celtica XI (1976), pp. 229-250

R.I. Best, Osborn Bergin, M.A. O'Brien and Anne O'Sullivan (eds), The Book of Leinster, formerly Lebar na Núachongbála. 6 vols. (Dublin: DIAS, 1954-83. Diplomatic edition)

S. Mac Airt and G. Mac Niocail (eds), The Annals of Ulster (to AD 1131) (Dublin: DIAS, 1983)


The real history of how the English invaded Ireland

You may think you know the story of how the English invaded Ireland, but this excerpt from Garvan Grant’s “True(ish) History of Ireland” sheds light on some of the more subtle nuances of this dark chapter in Irish history.

An English Solution to an Irish Problem

And so began eight centuries of fun, games, and oppression. From the twelfth century on, the English did everything in their power to make the Irish more ‘English’, including teaching them tiddlywinks, making them eat Yorkshire pudding and, when all else failed, taking their lives. The Irish are a famously stubborn lot, however, and very little worked. Often, the Irish would just turn around to their conquerors and say: ‘Yip, that’s grand, we’re all English now, so you fellas can head off home and we’ll look after things here for you.’

The English usually replied: ‘How jolly decent of you! Back home, they told us you were savages, but you chaps are actually quite good sports!’

And the Irish would reply: ‘Not a bother, me lord sir! See youse later.’

Then, as soon as the English were gone, they would just carry on being all Irish, having fun and staying up late telling stories about how they managed to dupe the English.

However, the English soon realized that their policy of absenteeism was becoming a joke. They knew that the best way to defeat the cunning Irish was to suppress the entire country, which would have cost a fortune … or they could just build a big wall around the greater Dublin area and put signs on it saying, ‘Beyond this wall is Britain. No Irish, no savages, no dogs!’ They decided on the less painful latter option and called the walled area The Pale. These days The Pale is protected by the fast and dangerous M50 ring road instead of a big wall, though most people who live outside it have little or no desire to enter.

More Irish than the Irish Themselves

Ironically, the Norman and English policy of trying to make the Irish less Irish backfired, and by the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, a lot of the former oppressors had become more Irish than the Irish themselves. First among these were the Fitzgeralds, the Earls of Kildare, who looked Irish, ate chips a lot and wore Celtic football shirts. They were descended from a man called Norman Fitzgerald, who, as his name suggests, was more Norman than most Normans. He had been a big pal of Strongbow’s back in the day, but his descendants were now plotting a way to be independent of the English crown.

That particular crown was being worn by Henry VIII at the time and the Fitzgeralds decided it would be best to butter him up and pretend they were ruling Ireland in his name. The other option would have been a massive war, which would have definitely got in the way of traditional leisure pursuits such as coursing, cursing and just hanging out. This arrangement also suited Henry VIII, as he had a lot of domestic issues to deal with. Well, six to be exact.

Horrid Henry Divorces the Church

Henry’s home life also rather famously caused a row with the Church, which wasn’t keen on people divorcing their wives, let alone beheading them. This meant that a split with Rome was inevitable. Naturally, Henry decided to become head of his very own Church and dissolved all the monasteries in England and Ireland. This led Garrett Óg Fitzgerald to quip: ‘As long as “Pope Henry the Wife-Murderer” doesn’t dissolve the pubs, we shouldn’t have a problem.’

Unfortunately, someone told Henry about this particular gag, which led him to crush the Fitzgeralds and force his rule on all Irish clans. He did this using the ‘Surrender and Regrant’ policy, which meant that if you surrendered to him, he wouldn’t kill you and you could keep your land, which was doubly nice of him. The Irish chieftains agreed, but only because it didn’t really affect them either way.

The Virgin Queen: A Mostly Lovely Girl

When Elizabeth I ascended to the English throne in 1558, she took a more lenient attitude towards Ireland, because ‘the trendy young queen is desperate to find a husband, get married and settle down’. (Note: this rather sexist comment appeared in an editorial in the December 1558 edition of Hello! magazine and is not a historical fact.) She even let the people of Ireland carry on being Catholic, speak their own language and live, which was dead nice of her.

In return, all she wanted from the various chieftains who had divided the country up between them was ‘unconditional loyalty’, the swearing of an odd oath and bucket-loads of cash. This suited everyone – until some of the Irish fellas got greedy and started scrapping with their neighbors over bits of land. This led to Elizabeth showing her not so lovely side and coming down quite hard on the Irish.

Eventually, in 1607, four years after Elizabeth’s death, a bunch of Irish earls decided enough was enough. They were going to go to Europe and bring back a fierce army that would defeat the English and end the conquest of Ireland forever and ever. Unfortunately, as the weather and the food were so lovely on the continent, they stayed there and never came back. This was known as The Cowardly Flight of the Earls, though the earls later shortened it to the much more catchy ‘Flight of the Earls’.

If You Can’t Beat Them, Make Them Join You

Tired of fighting, the English then decided the best way to ‘civilize’ the Irish was to send some nice English, Scottish and Welsh people to live on their lands, so the Irish could see just how brilliant being British was. These ‘Plantations’ might have worked too, except that a lot of the planters weren’t very brilliant – or very nice. They hadn’t signed up for it because they loved the Irish and wanted to make them better people they came because they were given free land with free peasants (or ‘slaves’) to work on it. It was lovely in theory, but probably not a recipe for success on the ground.

Please Tell Me That’s Not Cromwell

Until the seventeenth century war in Ireland had been mainly about unimportant things such as land, money, and power, but after the Reformation and Counter-Reformation, it became more about good, old-fashioned religion. How God felt about this change was anyone’s guess.

In 1649, when the latest war in England ended and Charles I lost his head and couldn’t find it anywhere, the English sent over a lovely chap by the name of Oliver Cromwell. He was only in Ireland for nine months but managed to get in more violence than many other English people had done in decades.

His theory of how to win a war – and it has yet to be proved wrong – was to kill everybody. He and his army – they were originally going to call it the New ‘Slaughter Everybody’ Army but eventually decided on the much catchier New Model Army – basically attacked anyone they met who wasn’t one of their soldiers.

Many English people look on Cromwell as a great hero and a military genius Irish people, on the other hand, lean more towards the genocidal nutcase description. However he was viewed, he certainly made his mark on Ireland. The Act of Settlement of 1652 basically meant that if you were Irish, Catholic or just in the way, you could be slaughtered and have your land confiscated. The only other option was … actually, in typical Cromwellian fashion, there wasn’t any other option.

Oliver’s Army

The Irish are a generous people and are never keen to criticize anybody, even if that person’s sole aim is to wipe them off the face of the planet. They were even quite nice about Oliver Cromwell. The following is a selection of quotes from various members of the Sweeney clan who knew and loved the real Oliver Cromwell:

• Ah, sure, he wasn’t the worst by any means. Yes, he slaughtered all of us, including me, my wife and the kids, but who wouldn’t have done the same in his situation? Just doing his job.

• Religious type, as far as I remember. Big into all the God stuff. And golf. Yeah, God, golf and killing Irish people: those were his things!

• Good-looking chap and could really hold a tune. Also a sharp dresser. But apart from that, a bit of a bastard.

• Complete bitch and I really doubt he was a virgin! Or is that Queen Elizabeth I’m thinking of? Now she was a piece of work, not that I ever met her. Cute nose, though! Or was that Cleopatra?

• A gentleman through and through. You really couldn’t have met a nicer chap. And a professional, a consummate professional. If you wanted Irish Catholics taken care of, he was your only man.

The True(ish) History of Ireland by Garvan Grant with illustrations by Gerard Crowley, published by Mercier Press.

Love Irish history? Like IrishCentral's History Facebook page now and you'll never miss an update again!


Kyk die video: Irish Anthem (Januarie 2022).