Inligting

Bronsbeeld van Hadrianus



Townley Hadrian

'N Borsbeeld van Hadrianus (r. 117–138), die Romeinse keiser uit die tweede eeu wat die Pantheon herbou en die Tempel van Venus en Roma gebou het, is voorheen in Pope Sixtus V se Villa Montalto vertoon en word nou in die British Museum in Londen vertoon . [1] Die borsbeeld is een van die Townley -albasters wat deur Charles Townley (1737–1805) versamel is en deur sy erfgenaam Peregrine Edward Towneley teen 'n verlaagde prys aan die British Museum in 1805 verkoop is. hom in heroïese naaktheid. [1] Die borsbeeld is in Rome gevind en is uit Griekse marmer gesny. [2]

Borsbeeld van Hadrianus
MediumMarmer beeldhouwerk
VakHadrianus
LiggingBritish Museum, Londen, Verenigde Koninkryk


Bronsbeeld van Hadrianus uit die legionêre kamp in Tel Shalem (Judaea), Israel Museum

'N Pragtige bronsbeeld van Hadrianus, wat nou in die Israel Museum in Jerusalem te sien was, is toevallig op 25 Julie 1975 deur 'n Amerikaanse toeris in Tel Shalem (Beth Shean Valley, Israel) gevind terwyl hy na antieke munte gesoek het met 'n metaalverklikker. Tel Shalem was eens beset deur 'n afdeling van die Sesde Romeinse Legioen (Legio VI Ferrata). Die 50 fragmente van hierdie beeld is gevind in 'n gebou wat in die middel van die kamp gestaan ​​het, miskien in die principia (die tent of gebou van die hoofkwartier).

Hierdie merkwaardige standbeeld is blykbaar gebruik vir die rituele aanbidding van die keiser. Bewyse dui daarop dat dit moontlik in 132-133 nC opgerig is om Hadrian se persoonlike betrokkenheid by die onderdrukking van die Bar Kokhba-opstand te herdenk of dat dit moontlik in 135 nC opgerig is om die afsluiting van Hadrianus se herorganisasie van Judaea in 'n nuwe provinsie met die naam Sirië-Palestina.

Die standbeeld beeld waarskynlik Hadrianus uit in die posisie van die opperste militêre bevelvoerder wat sy troepe groet (adlocutio) of as 'n oorwinnaar wat op 'n verslane vyand trap ('n hoof van 'n jeug is langs die standbeeld gevind), alhoewel dit nog lank nie seker is dat die kop en die cirass oorspronklik bymekaar hoort nie. Tog is die borsbeeld in Jerusalem een ​​van die beste bronsportrette wat uit die oudheid oorleef het. Slegs 'n paar van hierdie tipe standbeelde is in brons bewaar, die meeste van die oorblywende is van marmer. Vandaar die belangrikheid van hierdie standbeeld, wat verder versterk word deur die hoë uitvoeringskwaliteit.

Die kop, in een stuk gegiet en ongeskonde aangetref, is een van die beste bestaande portrette van die keiser en is van 'n gewilde tipe in die provinsies van die Rollockenfrisur -tipe. Die standbeeld is waarskynlik in 'n keiserlike werkswinkel in Rome, Griekeland of in Klein -Asië gegooi en bevat die gestandaardiseerde gestalte van die keiser, tot die unieke vorm van sy oorlel, 'n simptoom van die hartsiekte wat uiteindelik sy dood veroorsaak het.

Die cuirass is versier met 'n raaiselagtige uitbeelding van ses naakte krygers. Daar word voorgestel dat die toneel 'n tweegeveg tussen Aeneas, met 'n Frigiese pet, en Turnus, die koning van die Rutuli, uitbeeld. Die toneel kan gesien word as 'n allegorie van die triomf van Hadrian oor die Bar Kokhba -opstand.

Soos baie algemeen met versierde standbeeldversiering, dra die bolyf a cingulum, 'n militêre gordel om die middel gevou en aan die voorkant vasgemaak in 'n uitgebreide knoop (ook algemeen bekend as die Hercules ’ -knoop). A paladumentum, of militêre mantel, val oor sy skouers.

Ongeveer anderhalf jaar na die ontdekking van die standbeeld, is 'n monumentale inskripsie opgedra aan Hadrian naby die kamp ontdek. Die inskripsie was deel van 'n triomfboog wat in 136 nC gebou is ter ere van die keiser. My volgende blogpos handel oor hierdie boog, die grootste wat nog ooit in Israel gevind is.


Artemis deur Euphranor

Die brons Artemis toegeskryf aan Euphranor, middel van die 4de eeu vC. Argeologiese museum van Piraeus. The Euphranor Artemis (detail)

Lisensiëring wysig

  • te deel - om die werk te kopieer, te versprei en oor te dra
  • te remix - om die werk aan te pas
  • toeskrywing - U moet gepaste krediet gee, 'n skakel na die lisensie verskaf en aandui of daar veranderinge aangebring is. U mag dit op enige redelike manier doen, maar nie op 'n manier wat daarop dui dat die lisensiegewer u of u gebruik onderskryf nie.
  • gelyk deel - As u die materiaal hervermeng, verander of daarop voortbou, moet u u bydraes onder dieselfde of versoenbare lisensie as die oorspronklike versprei.

https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.0 CC BY-SA 2.0 Creative Commons Erkenning-Deel gelyk 2.0 waar waar


Lisensiëring wysig

  • te deel - om die werk te kopieer, te versprei en oor te dra
  • te remix - om die werk aan te pas
  • toeskrywing - U moet gepaste krediet gee, 'n skakel na die lisensie verskaf en aandui of daar veranderinge aangebring is. U mag dit op enige redelike manier doen, maar nie op 'n manier wat daarop dui dat die lisensiegewer u of u gebruik onderskryf nie.
  • gelyk deel - As u die materiaal hervermeng, verander of daarop voortbou, moet u u bydraes onder dieselfde of versoenbare lisensie as die oorspronklike versprei.

https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.0 CC BY-SA 2.0 Creative Commons Erkenning-Deel gelyk 2.0 waar waar


Delf in die geskiedenis ® _ periklis deligiannis

Republiek van Na Hadrian

'N Pragtige bronsbeeld van Hadrianus, wat nou in die Israel Museum in Jerusalem te sien was, is toevallig op 25 Julie 1975 deur 'n Amerikaanse toeris in Tel Shalem (Beth Shean Valley, Israel) gevind terwyl hy na antieke munte gesoek het met 'n metaalverklikker. Tel Shalem was eens in 'n afdeling van die Sesde Romeinse Legioen (Legio VI Ferrata) beset. Die 50 fragmente van hierdie beeld is gevind in 'n gebou wat in die middel van die kamp gestaan ​​het, miskien in die principia (die tent of gebou van die hoofkwartier).

Bronsbeeld van Hadrianus, gevind by die kamp van die sesde Romeinse legioen in Tel Shalem, Israel Museum, Jerusalem
© Carole Raddato

Hierdie merkwaardige standbeeld is blykbaar gebruik vir die rituele aanbidding van die keiser. Bewyse dui daarop dat dit moontlik in 132-133 nC opgerig is om Hadrian se persoonlike betrokkenheid by die onderdrukking van die Bar Kokhba-opstand te herdenk of dat dit moontlik in 135 nC opgerig is om die afsluiting van Hadrianus se herorganisasie van Judaea in 'n nuwe provinsie met die naam Sirië te vier -Palestina.

Die standbeeld beeld waarskynlik Hadrianus uit in die posisie van die opperste militêre bevelvoerder wat sy troepe groet (adlocutio) of as 'n oorwinnaar wat op 'n verslane vyand trap ('n hoof van 'n jeug is langs die standbeeld gevind), alhoewel dit nog lank nie seker is dat die kop en die cuirass oorspronklik bymekaar hoort nie. Tog is die borsbeeld in Jerusalem een ​​van die beste bronsportrette wat uit die oudheid oorleef het. Slegs 'n paar van hierdie tipe standbeelde is in brons bewaar, die meeste van die oorblywende is van marmer. Vandaar die belangrikheid van hierdie standbeeld, wat verder versterk word deur die hoë uitvoeringskwaliteit.


Hadrian se gay minnaar Antinous het 'n god geword

In 123 nC, tydens een van sy toere deur die ryk, het Hadrianus in Claudiopolis, Turkye, aangekom. Daar ontmoet hy 'n pragtige seuntjie met die naam Antinous (111 AD – 130 AD).

Hadrianus het Antinous na Italië gestuur om behoorlike opleiding te kry. Die nege-en-veertigjarige keiser en die veertienjarige student het in 125 nC geliefdes geword. Van toe af was die egpaar onafskeidbaar.

Hadrianus en Antinous het saam na Noord -Afrika, Griekeland, Klein -Asië en Egipte gereis. Hulle het 'n godsdienstige fees in Athene, Griekeland, bygewoon. Hulle het 'n gevaarlike leeu in Libië gejag. In Alexandrië, Egipte, het hulle die graf van Alexander die Grote besoek.

Op 130 Oktober na Christus vaar Hadrianus, Antinous en hul gevolg langs die Nylrivier in Egipte. In die geheimsinnige omstandighede het agtien jaar oud Antinous verdrink.

Antinous se dood het Hadrian baie bedroef. Naby die plek van Antinous se dood het Hadrianus die stad Antinopolis gestig. Hy het Antinous se gemummifiseerde lyk saamgeneem na Italië.

Antinous is deur die ryk as 'n god vergoddelik en aanbid. Hadrianus het baie beelde van sy afgestorwe minnaar opgedra om sy geheue lewendig te hou. Die Cult of Antinous het lank ná die dood van Hadrianus onder die Romeine gewild gebly.

Een teorie dui daarop dat Antinous vrywillig selfmoord gepleeg het om keiser Hadrianus te beskerm. Hadrian het destyds gebuk gegaan onder swak gesondheid.

Die Romeine het geglo dat die dood van een persoon 'n ander se lewe kan red. As dit waar is, verduidelik dit waarom Hadrianus nooit die oorsaak van Antinous se dood genoem het nie.


Inhoud

Hadrianus is gebore op 24 Januarie 76, waarskynlik in Italica (naby moderne Sevilla) in die Romeinse provinsie Hispania Baetica, beweer een Romeinse biograaf dat hy in Rome gebore is. [4] [5] [6] Hy is vernoem Publius Aelius Hadrianus. Sy vader was Publius Aelius Hadrianus Afer, 'n senator van praetoriaanse rang, gebore en getoë in Italica, maar paternaal verbind deur baie geslagte oor etlike eeue aan 'n gesin uit Hadria (moderne Atri), 'n ou stad in Picenum. Die gesin het hulle kort ná die stigting deur Scipio Africanus in Italica gevestig. Hadrianus se ma was Domitia Paulina, dogter van 'n vooraanstaande Hispano-Romeinse senatoriale familie uit Gades (Cádiz). [7] Sy enigste broer of suster was 'n ouer suster, Aelia Domitia Paulina. Sy natverpleegster was 'n slaaf Germana, waarskynlik van Germaanse oorsprong, aan wie hy sy hele lewe gewy het. Sy is later deur hom bevry en het hom uiteindelik oorleef, soos blyk uit haar begrafnisopskrif, wat by Hadrian se villa in Tivoli gevind is. [8] [9] [10] Hadrianus se neef, Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator, van Barcino (Barcelona) sou Hadrian se kollega word as medekonsul in 118. As senator sou Hadrian se pa 'n groot deel van sy tyd in Rome deurgebring het . [11] Wat sy latere loopbaan betref, was Hadrian se belangrikste familieverbintenis met Trajanus, sy pa se eerste neef, wat ook uit senatoriale stam was, en wat in Italica gebore en getoë is. Hadrian en Trajan was albei beskou - in die woorde van Aurelius Victor - "aliens", mense "van buite" (advenae). [12]

Hadrian se ouers sterf in 86, toe hy tien jaar oud was. Hy en sy suster word wyke van Trajanus en Publius Acilius Attianus (wat later Trajan se prefektuur van Praetoria geword het). [7] Hadrian was fisiek aktief en het op 14 -jarige ouderdom geniet om te jag, maar Trajan het hom na Rome gebel en sy verdere opleiding gereël in vakke wat geskik was vir 'n jong Romeinse aristokraat. [13] Hadrian se entoesiasme vir die Griekse letterkunde en kultuur het hom die bynaam besorg Graeculus ("Greekling"). [14]

Hadrianus se eerste amptelike pos in Rome was as lid van die decemviri stlitibus judicandis, een van die vele lewenskragtige kantore op die laagste vlak van die cursus honorum ("honneurskursus") wat kan lei tot 'n hoër amp en 'n senatoriale loopbaan. Daarna dien hy as 'n militêre tribune, eers by die Legio II Adiutrix in 95, dan met die Legio V Macedonica. Tydens Hadrian se tweede tydperk as tribune het die verswakte en bejaarde heersende keiser Nerva Trajanus aangeneem as sy erfgenaam, Hadrianus is gestuur om Trajanus die nuus te gee - of waarskynlik een van die vele afgevaardigdes wat van dieselfde kommissie belas is. [15] Daarna is Hadrianus oorgeplaas na Legio XXII Primigenia en 'n derde tribunaat. [16] Die drie tribunate van Hadrian het hom 'n mate van loopbaanvoordeel gebied. Die meeste lede van die ouer senatoriale gesinne kan een, of hoogstens twee militêre tribunate, dien as 'n voorvereiste vir 'n hoër amp. [17] [18] Toe Nerva in 98 sterf, word gesê dat Hadrianus na Trajanus gehaas het om hom in kennis te stel voor die amptelike gesant wat gestuur is deur die goewerneur, Hadrian se swaer en mededinger Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus. [19]

In 101 was Hadrian terug in Rome, toe word hy verkies tot kwestor quaestor imperatoris Traiani, skakelbeampte tussen keiser en die vergaderde senaat, aan wie hy die keiser se mededelings en toesprake gelees het - wat hy moontlik namens die keiser saamgestel het. In sy rol as keiserlike spookskrywer neem Hadrian die plek in van die onlangs oorlede Licinius Sura, die almagtige vriend en koning van Trajanus. [20] Sy volgende pos was as ab actis senatus, hou die senaat se rekords. [21] Tydens die Eerste Daciaanse Oorlog het Hadrianus die veld aangeneem as lid van Trajanus se persoonlike gevolg, maar hy is in 105 uit sy militêre pos onthef om in Rome as Tribune van die Plebs aan te neem. Na die oorlog is hy waarskynlik verkies praetor. [22] Tydens die Tweede Daciaanse Oorlog was Hadrianus weer in persoonlike diens van Trajanus, maar is hy vrygelaat om as legaat van Legio I Minervia te dien, destyds as goewerneur van Neder -Pannonia in 107, wat die taak was om "die Sarmatians terug te hou". [23] [24] Tussen 107 en 108 verslaan Hadrianus 'n inval in die Romeinse beheerde Banat en Oltenia deur die Iazyges. [25] [26] [27] Die presiese bepalings van die vredesverdrag is nie bekend nie, maar daar word geglo dat die Romeine Oltenia behou het in ruil vir 'n vorm van toegewing, wat waarskynlik 'n eenmalige huldebetaling behels. [26] Die Iazyges het ook rondom hierdie tyd Banat in besit geneem, wat moontlik deel van die verdrag was. [28]

In die middel-dertigerjare reis Hadrianus na Griekeland, waar hy Athene-burgerskap verwerf het, en hy is vir 'n kort tydjie in 112 aangestel. [29] Die Atheners het 'n standbeeld met 'n opskrif in die Theatre of Dionysus (IG II2 3286) aan hom toegeken wat 'n gedetailleerde weergawe van sy cursus honorum so vêr. [30] [31] Daarna word daar nie meer van hom gehoor totdat Trajanus se Parthian War nie. Dit is moontlik dat hy in Griekeland gebly het tot hy teruggeroep is na die keiserlike gevolg, [23] toe hy as legaat by Trajan se ekspedisie teen Parthia aangesluit het. [32] Toe die goewerneur van Sirië gestuur is om hernieude probleme in Dacia te hanteer, word Hadrianus aangestel as sy plaasvervanger, met onafhanklike bevel. [33] Trajanus het ernstig siek geword en die skip na Rome geneem, terwyl Hadrianus in Sirië gebly het, de facto algemene bevelvoerder van die Oos -Romeinse leër. [34] Trajanus het tot by die kusstad Selinus, in Cilicië, gekom en daar gesterf, op 8 Augustus sou hy as een van Rome se mees bewonderde, gewilde en beste keisers beskou word.

Verhouding met Trajan en sy gesin Edit

Ongeveer ten tyde van sy questorskap, in 100 of 101, het Hadrian getroud met Trajanus se sewentien of agtienjarige kleinkind, Vibia Sabina. Dit lyk asof Trajanus self minder as entoesiasties was oor die huwelik, en met goeie rede, omdat die verhouding van die egpaar skandelik swak sou blyk te wees. [35] Die huwelik is moontlik gereël deur die keiserin van Trajanus, Plotina. Hierdie hoogs gekultiveerde, invloedryke vrou het baie van Hadrian se waardes en belange gedeel, waaronder die idee van die Romeinse Ryk as 'n gemenebes met 'n onderliggende Helleense kultuur. [36] As Hadrian as die opvolger van Trajanus aangestel sou word, kon Plotina en haar uitgebreide familie hul sosiale profiel en politieke invloed behou na die dood van Trajanus. [37] Hadrian kon ook reken op die ondersteuning van sy skoonmoeder, Salonina Matidia, wat die dogter was van Trajan se geliefde suster Ulpia Marciana. [38] [39] Toe Ulpia Marciana sterf, in 112, laat Trajan haar vergoddelik en maak Salonina Matidia 'n Augusta. [40]

Hadrian se persoonlike verhouding met Trajan was kompleks en was moontlik moeilik. Dit lyk asof Hadrian invloed op Trajan, of Trajan se besluite, gesoek het deur die kweek van laasgenoemde se seuntjie -gunstelinge, het dit tot 'n onverklaarbare twis gelei, rondom die tyd van Hadrian se huwelik met Sabina. [41] [42] Laat in die bewind van Trajanus kon Hadrianus nie 'n senior konsulaat behaal nie, aangesien dit slegs 108 [43] voldoende konsul was, het dit hom gelykheid verleen met ander lede van die senatoriale adel, [44], maar daar was geen spesifieke onderskeid nie 'n aangewese erfgenaam. [45] As Trajan dit wou, kon hy sy beskermeling tot patriciaanse rang en sy voorregte bevorder het, wat geleenthede vir 'n vinnige weg na konsulskap ingesluit het, sonder voorafgaande ervaring as 'n tribune wat hy verkies het om nie te doen nie. [46] Hoewel dit lyk asof Hadrianus 'n jaar of wat jonger was as die amp van Tribune of the Plebs as wat gebruiklik was, moes hy Dacia en Trajanus verlaat om die afspraak op te neem, wat Trajanus eenvoudig uit die weg wou hê. . [47] Die Historia Augusta beskryf Trajan se geskenk aan Hadrianus van 'n diamantring wat Trajanus self van Nerva ontvang het, wat die [Hadrianus] se hoop aangemoedig het om op die troon te slaag ". [48] ​​[49] Terwyl Trajanan Hadrian se vooruitgang aktief bevorder het, het hy dit met omsigtigheid gedoen. [50]

Erfopvolging Wysig

Versuim om 'n erfgenaam aan te wys, kan 'n chaotiese, vernietigende magstryd veroorsaak deur 'n opeenvolging van mededingende eisers - 'n burgeroorlog. 'N Te vroeë benoeming kan as 'n abdikasie beskou word en die kans op 'n ordelike magsoordrag verminder. [51] Terwyl Trajan sterwend lê, deur sy vrou, Plotina verpleeg, en deur prefek Attianus fyn dopgehou het, kon hy Hadrian wettiglik as erfgenaam aangeneem het, deur middel van 'n eenvoudige wens op die sterfbed, uitgespreek voor getuies [52], maar toe 'n aannemingsdokument uiteindelik aangebied is, is dit nie deur Trajan onderteken nie, maar deur Plotina, en is die dag na Trajan se dood gedateer. [53] Dat Hadrianus nog in Sirië was, was 'n verdere onreëlmatigheid, aangesien die Romeinse aannemingswet die teenwoordigheid van beide partye tydens die aannemingseremonie vereis het. Gerugte, twyfel en spekulasie het Hadrian se aanneming en opvolging bygewoon. Daar word voorgestel dat Trajanus se jong dienskneg Phaedimus, wat baie kort ná Trajanus gesterf het, vermoor is (of homself om die lewe gebring het) eerder as om ongemaklike vrae in die gesig te staar. [54] Ou bronne is verdeeld oor die wettigheid van die aanneming van Hadrianus: Dio Cassius beskou dit as nep en die Historia Augusta skrywer as eg. [55] 'n Aureus wat vroeg in die bewind van Hadrianus geslaan is, verteenwoordig die amptelike standpunt wat Hadrianus voorstel as Trajanus se "Caesar" (aangewys as erfgenaam van Trajanus). [56]

Beveiliging van krag Redigeer

Volgens die Historia Augusta, Het Hadrianus in 'n brief die senaat van sy toetreding in kennis gestel fait accompli, en verduidelik dat "die onwelvoeglike haas van die troepe om hom tot keiser te roep, was te danke aan die oortuiging dat die staat nie sonder 'n keiser kan wees nie". [57] Die nuwe keiser het die legioene se lojaliteit beloon met die gebruiklike bonus, en die senaat onderskryf die akklamasie. Verskeie openbare seremonies is namens Hadrianus gereël, wat sy 'goddelike uitverkiesing' vier deur al die gode, wie se gemeenskap nou Trajanus insluit, wat op Hadrian se versoek gedenk is. [58]

Hadrianus het 'n rukkie in die ooste gebly en die Joodse opstand onder Trajanus onderdruk. Hy het die goewerneur van Judea, die uitstaande Moorse generaal Lusius Quietus, onthef van sy persoonlike wag oor Moorse hulpdienste [59] [60], en daarna het hy voortgegaan om versteurings langs die Donau -grens te onderdruk. In Rome, beweer Hadrianus se voormalige voog en huidige prefekt Praetorian, Attianus, dat hy 'n sameswering ontbloot het waarby Lusius Quietus en drie ander leidende senatore, Lucius Publilius Celsus, Aulus Cornelius Palma Frontonianus en Gaius Avidius Nigrinus betrokke was. [61] Daar was geen openbare verhoor vir die vier nie - hulle is verhoor in absentia, gejag en doodgemaak. [61] Hadrianus beweer dat Attianus op eie inisiatief opgetree het, en hom beloon het met senatoriale status en konsulêre rang, en hom daarna pensioen gegee het, nie later nie as 120. [62] Hadrian het die senaat verseker dat voortaan hul eertydse reg om hulle te vervolg en te beoordeel. eie gerespekteer sou word.

Die redes vir hierdie vier teregstellings bly onduidelik. Amptelike erkenning van Hadrian as wettige erfgenaam het moontlik te laat gekom om ander potensiële eisers af te weer. [63] Die grootste mededingers van Hadrianus was die naaste vriende van Trajanus, die mees ervare en senior lede van die keiserlike raad [64] een van hulle was moontlik 'n wettige mededinger vir die keiserlike amp (capaces imperii) [65] en enige van hulle het moontlik die uitbreidingsbeleid van Trajanus ondersteun, wat Hadrianus wou verander. [66] Een van hulle was Aulus Cornelius Palma, wat as 'n voormalige veroweraar van Arabië Nabatea 'n aandeel in die Ooste sou behou het. [67] Die Historia Augusta beskryf Palma en 'n derde tereggestelde senator, Lucius Publilius Celsus (konsul vir die tweede keer in 113), as die persoonlike vyande van Hadrianus, wat in die openbaar teen hom gepraat het. [68] Die vierde was Gaius Avidius Nigrinus, 'n oud-konsul, intellektueel, vriend van Plinius die Jongere en (kortliks) goewerneur van Dacia aan die begin van Hadrian se bewind. Hy was waarskynlik die belangrikste mededinger van Hadrianus vir die troon, 'n senator van die hoogste rang, teling en verbindings volgens die Historia AugustaHadrianus het dit oorweeg om Nigrinus sy erfgenaam te maak voordat hy besluit het om van hom ontslae te raak. [69] [70]

Kort daarna, in 125, het Hadrianus Quintus Marcius Turbo aangestel as sy prefektuur in die Praetorië. [71] Turbo was sy goeie vriend, 'n leidende figuur in die ruitersorde, 'n senior hofregter en 'n prokureur. [72] [73] Aangesien Hadrianus ook ruiters verbied het om sake teen senatore te verhoor, [74] het die senaat die volle wetlike gesag oor sy lede behou, maar dit was ook die hoogste appèlhof, en formele beroepe op die keiser oor sy besluite was verbied. [75] As dit 'n poging was om die skade wat Attianus aangerig het, te herstel, met of sonder die volle medewete van Hadrianus, was dit nie genoeg dat Hadrianus se reputasie en verhouding met sy senaat vir die res van sy bewind onverbeterlik versuur is nie. [76] Sommige bronne beskryf Hadrian se af en toe 'n beroep op 'n netwerk van informante, die frumentarii [77] om mense met 'n hoë sosiale status, insluitend senatore en sy goeie vriende, diskreet te ondersoek. [78]

Hadrian sou meer as die helfte van sy regering buite Italië deurbring. Terwyl vorige keisers meestal op die verslae van hul keiserlike verteenwoordigers rondom die Ryk staatgemaak het, wou Hadrianus self dinge sien. Vorige keisers het Rome dikwels vir lang periodes verlaat, maar meestal om oorlog toe te gaan en teruggekeer sodra die konflik besleg is. Hadrianus se byna onophoudelike reise kan 'n berekende breuk met tradisies en gesindhede verteenwoordig waarin die ryk 'n suiwer Romeinse hegemonie was. Hadrianus het probeer om provinsiale lede in 'n gemenebes van beskaafde mense en 'n gemeenskaplike Helleense kultuur onder Romeinse toesig op te neem. [80] Hy ondersteun die oprigting van provinsiale dorpe (munisipaliteit), semi-outonome stedelike gemeenskappe met hul eie gebruike en wette, eerder as die instelling van nuwe Romeinse kolonies met Romeinse grondwette. [81]

'N Kosmopolitiese, ekumeniese bedoeling is duidelik in muntstukke van die latere bewind van Hadrianus, wat wys dat die keiser die personifikasies van verskillende provinsies' oprig '. [82] Aelius Aristides sou later skryf dat Hadrianus ''n beskermende hand oor sy onderdane uitsteek en hulle opsteek terwyl 'n mens gevalle manne op hul voete help'. [83] Dit alles het nie goed gegaan met die Romeinse tradisionaliste nie. Die selfgenoegsame keiser Nero het 'n lang en vreedsame toer deur Griekeland geniet, en is deur die Romeinse elite gekritiseer omdat hy sy fundamentele verantwoordelikhede as keiser laat vaar het. In die oostelike provinsies, en tot 'n mate in die weste, het Nero bykans onmiddellik na sy dood na vore gekom met aansprake oor sy dreigende terugkeer of wedergeboorte. Hadrianus het moontlik tydens sy eie reise hierdie positiewe, gewilde verbindings bewustelik uitgebuit. [84] In die Historia AugustaWord Hadrianus beskryf as ''n bietjie te veel Grieks', te kosmopolities vir 'n Romeinse keiser. [85]

Britannia and the West (122) Redigeer

Voor Hadrian se aankoms in Britannia, het die provinsie 'n groot opstand ondergaan, van 119 tot 121. [86] Inskripsies vertel van 'n expeditio Britannica Dit het groot troepebewegings behels, insluitend die versending van 'n afdeling (vexillatio), bestaande uit ongeveer 3000 soldate. Fronto skryf oor destydse militêre verliese in Britannia. [87] Munt legendes van 119–120 getuig dat Quintus Pompeius Falco gestuur is om die orde te herstel. In 122 begin Hadrianus met die bou van 'n muur, "om Romeine van barbare te skei". [88] Die idee dat die muur gebou is om 'n werklike bedreiging of die herlewing daarvan te hanteer, is egter waarskynlik, maar nietemin vermoedelik. [89] 'n Algemene begeerte om die verlenging van die Ryk te staak, was moontlik die bepalende motief. Verlaging van die verdedigingskoste kan ook 'n rol gespeel het, aangesien die muur aanvalle op Romeinse gebied teen 'n laer prys afgeskrik het as 'n oorgrote weermag [90] en grensoverschrijdende handel en immigrasie beheer. [91] 'n Heiligdom is in York in Britannia opgerig toe die goddelike verpersoonliking van Britse munte getref is, met haar beeld, geïdentifiseer as BRITANNIA. [92] Teen die einde van 122 het Hadrian sy besoek aan Britannia afgesluit. Hy het nooit die voltooide muur met sy naam gesien nie.

Dit lyk asof Hadrianus deur die suide van Gallië voortgegaan het. By Nemausus het hy moontlik toesig gehou oor die bou van 'n basiliek gewy aan sy beskermvrou Plotina, wat onlangs in Rome gesterf het en op versoek van Hadrianus vergoddelik is. [93] Omstreeks hierdie tyd het Hadrian sy sekretaris ontslaan ab epistulis, [94] die biograaf Suetonius, vir "buitensporige bekendheid" teenoor die keiserin. [95] Marcius Turbo se kollega as prefekt Praetorian, Gaius Septicius Clarus, is om dieselfde beweerde rede ontslaan, miskien as voorwendsel om hom uit sy amp te verwyder. [96] Hadrian het die winter van 122/123 deurgebring in Tarraco, in Spanje, waar hy die Tempel van Augustus herstel het. [97]

Africa, Parthia and Anatolia Antinous (123–124) Wysig

In 123 steek Hadrianus die Middellandse See oor na Mauretanië, waar hy persoonlik 'n klein veldtog teen plaaslike rebelle gelei het. [98] Die besoek is kortgeknip deur berigte oor oorlogsvoorbereidings deur Parthia Hadrian wat vinnig ooswaarts op pad was. Op 'n stadium het hy Cyrene besoek, waar hy persoonlik die opleiding van jong mans uit goed geteelde gesinne vir die Romeinse weermag befonds het. Cyrene het vroeër (in 119) baat by sy herstel van openbare geboue wat tydens die vroeëre Joodse opstand vernietig is. [99] [100]

Toe Hadrianus by die Eufraat aankom, onderhandel hy persoonlik 'n skikking met die Partiese koning Osroes I, ondersoek die Romeinse verdediging en vertrek daarna weswaarts langs die Swartsee -kus. [101] Hy het waarskynlik oorwinter in Nicomedia, die hoofstad van Bithynia. Nicomedia is eers kort voor sy verblyf deur 'n aardbewing getref, en Hadrian het fondse vir die heropbou daarvan verskaf, en is bekroon as die herstel van die provinsie. [102]

Dit is moontlik dat Hadrianus Claudiopolis besoek het en die pragtige Antinous gesien het, 'n jong man van nederige geboorte wat Hadrian se geliefde geword het. Literêre en epigrafiese bronne sê niks van wanneer of waar hulle afbeeldings van Antinous ontmoet het nie, toon aan dat hy ongeveer twintig jaar oud is, kort voor sy dood in 130. In 123 sou hy heel waarskynlik 'n jeug van 13 of 14. [102] Dit is ook moontlik dat Antinous na Rome gestuur is om opgelei te word as 'n blad om die keiser te dien en net geleidelik tot die status van keiserlike gunsteling gestyg het. [103] Die werklike geskiedenis van hul verhouding is meestal onbekend. [104]

Met of sonder Antinous het Hadrianus deur Anatolië gereis. Verskeie tradisies dui op sy teenwoordigheid op spesifieke plekke, en beweer die stigting van 'n stad in Mysia, Hadrianutherae, na 'n suksesvolle varkjag. Omtrent hierdie tyd is planne om die Tempel van Zeus in Cyzicus, wat deur die konings van Pergamon begin is, te voltooi. Die tempel het 'n kolossale standbeeld van Hadrianus ontvang. Cyzicus, Pergamon, Smyrna, Efesus en Sardes is bevorder as streeksentrums vir die keiserlike kultus (neocoros). [105]

Griekeland (124–125) Redigeer

Hadrianus het in die herfs van 124 in Griekeland aangekom en aan die Eleusinian Mysteries deelgeneem. Hy het 'n besondere verbintenis tot Athene gehad, wat hom voorheen burgerskap en 'n argonateer op versoek van die Atheners, het hy hul grondwet hersien - onder meer het hy 'n nuwe phyle (stam) bygevoeg, wat na hom vernoem is. [106] Hadrian kombineer aktiewe, praktiese intervensies met versigtige terughoudendheid. Hy het geweier om in te gryp in 'n plaaslike geskil tussen produsente van olyfolie en die Atheense Vergadering en Raad, wat produksiekwotas op olieprodusente opgelê het [107], maar hy verleen 'n keiserlike subsidie ​​vir die Atheense graanvoorraad. [108] Hadrianus het twee fondamente geskep om die openbare speletjies, feeste en kompetisies van Athene te finansier as geen burger ryk of gewillig genoeg was om dit as 'n gimnasia of agonotete te borg nie. [109] Oor die algemeen het Hadrianus verkies dat Griekse bekendes, insluitend priesters van die keiserlike kultus, fokus op meer duursame voorrade, soos akwadukte en openbare fonteine ​​(nymphaea). [110] Athene het twee sulke fonteine ​​gekry, 'n ander een aan Argos. [111]

Gedurende die winter het hy deur die Peloponnesos getoer. Sy presiese roete is onseker, maar dit neem Epidaurus toe. Pausanias beskryf tempels wat Hadrianus daar gebou het, en sy standbeeld - in heroïese naaktheid - opgerig deur sy burgers [112] danksy hul "hersteller". Antinous en Hadrianus was moontlik reeds liefhebbers in hierdie tyd. Hadrianus het besondere vrygewigheid aan Mantinea getoon, wat antieke, mitiese, polities nuttige bande met Antinous se huis in Bithynia gedeel het. Hy het die tempel van Poseidon Hippios in Mantinea herstel [113] [114] en volgens Pausanias die oorspronklike, klassieke naam van die stad herstel. Dit is sedert die hellenistiese tyd herdoop na Antigoneia, na die Masedoniese koning Antigonus III Doson. Hadrianus herbou ook die antieke heiligdomme van Abae en Megara, en die Heraion van Argos. [115] [116]

Tydens sy toer deur die Peloponnesos, het Hadrianus die Spartaanse grandee Eurycles Herculanus - leier van die Euryclid -familie wat sedert Augustus se tyd geheers het - oorreed om saam met die Atheense grootmeester Herodes Atticus die Ouder die Senaat binne te gaan. Die twee aristokrate sou die eerste van "Ou Griekeland" wees wat die Romeinse senaat betree het, as verteenwoordigers van die twee "groot moondhede" van die klassieke tydperk. [117] Dit was 'n belangrike stap om die Griekse bekendes se onwilligheid om aan die Romeinse politieke lewe deel te neem, te oorkom. [118] In Maart 125 het Hadrianus tydens die Atheense fees van Dionysia, 'n Atheense rok, voorgesit. Die Tempel van die Olimpiese Zeus was al meer as vyf eeue lank in aanbou en Hadrianus het die groot hulpbronne op sy bevel toegewy om te verseker dat die taak voltooi is. Hy het ook die beplanning en bou van 'n besonder uitdagende en ambisieuse akwaduk gereël om water na die Atheense Agora te bring. [119]

Keer terug na Italië en reis na Afrika (126–128) Wysig

Met sy terugkeer na Italië het Hadrianus 'n ompad na Sicilië gemaak. Muntstukke vier hom as die hersteller van die eiland. [120] Terug in Rome sien hy die herboude Pantheon en sy voltooide villa in die nabygeleë Tibur, tussen die Sabine -heuwels. Begin Maart 127 vertrek Hadrian op 'n toer deur Italië, en sy roete is gerekonstrueer deur die bewys van sy geskenke en skenkings. [120] Hy herstel die heiligdom van Cupra in Cupra Maritima en verbeter die dreinering van die Fucine -meer. Minder welkom as so groot was sy besluit in 127 om Italië in vier streke te verdeel onder keiserlike legate met konsulêre rang, wat as goewerneurs optree. Hulle het jurisdiksie oor die hele Italië gekry, uitgesluit Rome self, en het daarom Italiaanse sake van die howe van Rome verskuif. [121] Die feit dat Italië effektief tot die status van 'n groep blote provinsies verminder is, het die Romeinse senaat nie goed afgeloop nie, [122] en die vernuwing het Hadrian se heerskappy nie lank oorleef nie. [120]

Hadrian het omstreeks hierdie tyd siek geword, ongeag die aard van sy siekte, dit het hom nie daarvan weerhou om in die lente van 128 vertrek om Afrika te besoek nie. Sy aankoms het saamgeval met die goeie teken van reën, wat 'n droogte beëindig het. Along with his usual role as benefactor and restorer, he found time to inspect the troops his speech to them survives. [123] Hadrian returned to Italy in the summer of 128 but his stay was brief, as he set off on another tour that would last three years. [124]

Greece, Asia, and Egypt (128–130) Antinous's death Edit

In September 128, Hadrian attended the Eleusinian mysteries again. This time his visit to Greece seems to have concentrated on Athens and Sparta – the two ancient rivals for dominance of Greece. Hadrian had played with the idea of focusing his Greek revival around the Amphictyonic League based in Delphi, but by now he had decided on something far grander. His new Panhellenion was going to be a council that would bring Greek cities together. Having set in motion the preparations – deciding whose claim to be a Greek city was genuine would take time – Hadrian set off for Ephesus. [125] From Greece, Hadrian proceeded by way of Asia to Egypt, probably conveyed across the Aegean with his entourage by an Ephesian merchant, Lucius Erastus. Hadrian later sent a letter to the Council of Ephesus, supporting Erastus as a worthy candidate for town councillor and offering to pay the requisite fee. [126]

Hadrian arrived in Egypt before the Egyptian New Year on 29 August 130. [127] He opened his stay in Egypt by restoring Pompey the Great's tomb at Pelusium, [128] offering sacrifice to him as a hero and composing an epigraph for the tomb. As Pompey was universally acknowledged as responsible for establishing Rome's power in the east, this restoration was probably linked to a need to reaffirm Roman Eastern hegemony, following social unrest there during Trajan's late reign. [129] Hadrian and Antinous held a lion hunt in the Libyan desert a poem on the subject by the Greek Pankrates is the earliest evidence that they travelled together. [130]

While Hadrian and his entourage were sailing on the Nile, Antinous drowned. The exact circumstances surrounding his death are unknown, and accident, suicide, murder and religious sacrifice have all been postulated. Historia Augusta offers the following account:

During a journey on the Nile he lost Antinous, his favourite, and for this youth he wept like a woman. Concerning this incident there are varying rumours for some claim that he had devoted himself to death for Hadrian, and others – what both his beauty and Hadrian's sensuality suggest. But however this may be, the Greeks deified him at Hadrian's request, and declared that oracles were given through his agency, but these, it is commonly asserted, were composed by Hadrian himself. [131]

Hadrian founded the city of Antinoöpolis in Antinous' honour on 30 October 130. He then continued down the Nile to Thebes, where his visit to the Colossi of Memnon on 20 and 21 November was commemorated by four epigrams inscribed by Julia Balbilla, which still survive. After that, he headed north, reaching the Fayyum at the beginning of December. [132]

Greece and the East (130–132) Edit

Hadrian's movements after his journey down the Nile are uncertain. Whether or not he returned to Rome, he travelled in the East during 130/131, to organise and inaugurate his new Panhellenion, which was to be focused on the Athenian Temple to Olympian Zeus. As local conflicts had led to the failure of the previous scheme for an Hellenic association centered on Delphi, Hadrian decided instead for a grand league of all Greek cities. [133] Successful applications for membership involved mythologised or fabricated claims to Greek origins, and affirmations of loyalty to Imperial Rome, to satisfy Hadrian's personal, idealised notions of Hellenism. [134] [135] Hadrian saw himself as protector of Greek culture and the "liberties" of Greece – in this case, urban self-government. It allowed Hadrian to appear as the fictive heir to Pericles, who supposedly had convened a previous Panhellenic Congress – such a Congress is mentioned only in Pericles' biography by Plutarch, who respected Rome's Imperial order. [136]

Epigraphical evidence suggests that the prospect of applying to the Panhellenion held little attraction to the wealthier, Hellenised cities of Asia Minor, which were jealous of Athenian and European Greek preeminence within Hadrian's scheme. [137] Hadrian's notion of Hellenism was narrow and deliberately archaising he defined "Greekness" in terms of classical roots, rather than a broader, Hellenistic culture. [138] Some cities with a dubious claim to Greekness, however – such as Side – were acknowledged as fully Hellenic. [139] The German sociologist Georg Simmel remarked that the Panhellenion was based on "games, commemorations, preservation of an ideal, an entirely non-political Hellenism". [140]

Hadrian bestowed honorific titles on many regional centres. [141] Palmyra received a state visit and was given the civic name Hadriana Palmyra. [142] Hadrian also bestowed honours on various Palmyrene magnates, among them one Soados, who had done much to protect Palmyrene trade between the Roman Empire and Parthia. [143]

Hadrian had spent the winter of 131–32 in Athens, where he dedicated the now-completed Temple of Olympian Zeus, [144] At some time in 132, he headed East, to Judaea.

Second Roman–Jewish War (132–136) Edit

In Roman Judaea Hadrian visited Jerusalem, which was still in ruins after the First Roman–Jewish War of 66–73. He may have planned to rebuild Jerusalem as a Roman colony – as Vespasian had done with Caesarea Maritima – with various honorific and fiscal privileges. The non-Roman population would have no obligation to participate in Roman religious rituals, but were expected to support the Roman imperial order this is attested in Caesarea, where some Jews served in the Roman army during both the 66 and 132 rebellions. [145] It has been speculated that Hadrian intended to assimilate the Jewish Temple to the traditional Roman civic-religious Imperial cult such assimilations had long been commonplace practice in Greece and in other provinces, and on the whole, had been successful. [146] [147] The neighbouring Samaritans had already integrated their religious rites with Hellenistic ones. [148] Strict Jewish monotheism proved more resistant to Imperial cajoling, and then to Imperial demands. [149] A massive anti-Hellenistic and anti-Roman Jewish uprising broke out, led by Simon bar Kokhba. The Roman governor Tineius (Tynius) Rufus asked for an army to crush the resistance bar Kokhba punished any Jew who refused to join his ranks. [150] According to Justin Martyr and Eusebius, that had to do mostly with Christian converts, who opposed bar Kokhba's messianic claims. [151]

A tradition based on the Historia Augusta suggests that the revolt was spurred by Hadrian's abolition of circumcision (brit milah) [152] which as a Hellenist he viewed as mutilation. [153] The scholar Peter Schäfer maintains that there is no evidence for this claim, given the notoriously problematical nature of the Historia Augusta as a source, the "tomfoolery" shown by the writer in the relevant passage, and the fact that contemporary Roman legislation on "genital mutilation" seems to address the general issue of castration of slaves by their masters. [154] [155] [156] Other issues could have contributed to the outbreak a heavy-handed, culturally insensitive Roman administration tensions between the landless poor and incoming Roman colonists privileged with land-grants and a strong undercurrent of messianism, predicated on Jeremiah's prophecy that the Temple would be rebuilt seventy years after its destruction, as the First Temple had been after the Babylonian exile. [157]

Given the fragmentary nature of the existing evidence, it is impossible to ascertain an exact date for the beginning of the uprising, but it is probable that it began in-between summer and fall 132. [158] The Romans were overwhelmed by the organised ferocity of the uprising. [149] Hadrian called his general Sextus Julius Severus from Britain, and brought troops in from as far as the Danube. Roman losses were heavy an entire legion or its numeric equivalent of around 4,000. [159] Hadrian's report on the war to the Roman Senate omitted the customary salutation, "If you and your children are in health, it is well I and the legions are in health." [160] The rebellion was quashed by 135. According to Cassius Dio, Roman war operations in Judea left some 580,000 Jews dead, and 50 fortified towns and 985 villages razed. [161] An unknown proportion of the population was enslaved. Beitar, a fortified city 10 kilometres (6.2 mi) southwest of Jerusalem, fell after a three and a half year siege. The extent of punitive measures against the Jewish population remains a matter of debate. [162]

Hadrian erased the province's name from the Roman map, renaming it Syria Palaestina. He renamed Jerusalem Aelia Capitolina after himself and Jupiter Capitolinus, and had it rebuilt in Greek style. According to Epiphanius, Hadrian appointed Aquila from Sinope in Pontus as "overseer of the work of building the city", since he was related to him by marriage. [163] Hadrian is said to have placed the city's main Forum at the junction of the main Cardo and Decumanus Maximus, now the location for the (smaller) Muristan. After the suppression of the Jewish revolt, Hadrian provided the Samaritans with a temple, dedicated to Zeus Hypsistos ("Highest Zeus") [164] on Mount Gerizim. [165] The bloody repression of the revolt ended Jewish political independence from the Roman Imperial order. [166]

Inscriptions make it clear that in 133 Hadrian took to the field with his armies against the rebels. He then returned to Rome, probably in that year and almost certainly – judging from inscriptions – via Illyricum. [167]

Hadrian spent the final years of his life at Rome. In 134, he took an Imperial salutation for the end of the Second Jewish War (which was not actually concluded until the following year). Commemorations and achievement awards were kept to a minimum, as Hadrian came to see the war "as a cruel and sudden disappointment to his aspirations" towards a cosmopolitan empire. [168]

The Empress Sabina died, probably in 136, after an unhappy marriage with which Hadrian had coped as a political necessity. Die Historia Augusta biography states that Hadrian himself declared that his wife's "ill-temper and irritability" would be reason enough for a divorce, were he a private citizen. [169] That gave credence, after Sabina's death, to the common belief that Hadrian had her poisoned. [170] In keeping with well-established Imperial propriety, Sabina – who had been made an Augusta sometime around 128 [171] – was deified not long after her death. [172]

Arranging the succession Edit

Hadrian's marriage to Sabina had been childless. Suffering from poor health, Hadrian turned to the problem of the succession. In 136 he adopted one of the ordinary consuls of that year, Lucius Ceionius Commodus, who as an emperor-in waiting took the name Lucius Aelius Caesar. He was the son-in-law of Gaius Avidius Nigrinus, one of the "four consulars" executed in 118, but was himself in delicate health, apparently with a reputation more "of a voluptuous, well educated great lord than that of a leader". [173] Various modern attempts have been made to explain Hadrian's choice: Jerome Carcopino proposes that Aelius was Hadrian's natural son. [174] It has also been speculated that his adoption was Hadrian's belated attempt to reconcile with one of the most important of the four senatorial families whose leading members had been executed soon after Hadrian's succession. [83] Aelius acquitted himself honourably as joint governor of Pannonia Superior and Pannonia Inferior [175] he held a further consulship in 137, but died on 1 January 138. [176]

Hadrian next adopted Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Arrius Antoninus (the future emperor Antoninus Pius), who had served Hadrian as one of the five imperial legates of Italy, and as proconsul of Asia. In the interests of dynastic stability, Hadrian required that Antoninus adopt both Lucius Ceionius Commodus (son of the deceased Aelius Caesar) and Marcus Annius Verus (grandson of an influential senator of the same name who had been Hadrian's close friend) Annius was already betrothed to Aelius Caesar's daughter Ceionia Fabia. [177] [178] It may not have been Hadrian, but rather Antoninus Pius – Annius Verus's uncle – who supported Annius Verus' advancement the latter's divorce of Ceionia Fabia and subsequent marriage to Antoninus' daughter Annia Faustina points in the same direction. When he eventually became Emperor, Marcus Aurelius would co-opt Ceionius Commodus as his co-Emperor, under the name of Lucius Verus, on his own initiative. [177]

Hadrian's last few years were marked by conflict and unhappiness. His adoption of Aelius Caesar proved unpopular, not least with Hadrian's brother-in-law Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus and Servianus's grandson Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator. Servianus, though now far too old, had stood in the line of succession at the beginning of Hadrian's reign Fuscus is said to have had designs on the imperial power for himself. In 137 he may have attempted a coup in which his grandfather was implicated Hadrian ordered that both be put to death. [179] Servianus is reported to have prayed before his execution that Hadrian would "long for death but be unable to die". [180] During his final, protracted illness, Hadrian was prevented from suicide on several occasions. [181]

Death Edit

Hadrian died in the year 138 on 10 July, in his villa at Baiae at the age of 62. [182] Dio Cassius and the Historia Augusta record details of his failing health. He had reigned for 21 years, the longest since Tiberius, and the fourth longest in the Principate, after Augustus, Hadrian's successor Antoninus Pius, and Tiberius.

He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. [183] [184] Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. [185] The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. [183] At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. [186]

Most of Hadrian's military activities were consistent with his ideology of empire as a community of mutual interest and support. He focused on protection from external and internal threats on "raising" existing provinces, rather than the aggressive acquisition of wealth and territory through subjugation of "foreign" peoples that had characterised the early empire. [187] Hadrian's policy shift was part of a trend towards the slowing down of the empire's expansion, such expansion being not closed after him (the empire's greatest extent being achieved only during the Severan dynasty), but a significant step in that direction, given the empire's overstretching. [188] While the empire as a whole benefited from this, military careerists resented the loss of opportunities.

The 4th-century historian Aurelius Victor saw Hadrian's withdrawal from Trajan's territorial gains in Mesopotamia as a jealous belittlement of Trajan's achievements (Traiani gloriae invidens). [189] More likely, an expansionist policy was no longer sustainable the empire had lost two legions, the Legio XXII Deiotariana and the "lost legion" IX Hispania, possibly destroyed in a late Trajanic uprising by the Brigantes in Britain. [190] Trajan himself may have thought his gains in Mesopotamia indefensible and abandoned them shortly before his death. [191] Hadrian granted parts of Dacia to the Roxolani Sarmatians their king, Rasparaganus, received Roman citizenship, client king status, and possibly an increased subsidy. [192] Hadrian's presence on the Dacian front is mere conjecture, but Dacia was included in his coin series with allegories of the provinces. [193] A controlled partial withdrawal of troops from the Dacian plains would have been less costly than maintaining several Roman cavalry units and a supporting network of fortifications. [194]

Hadrian retained control over Osroene through the client king Parthamaspates, who had once served as Trajan's client king of Parthia [195] and around 121, Hadrian negotiated a peace treaty with the now-independent Parthia. Late in his reign (135), the Alani attacked Roman Cappadocia with the covert support of Pharasmanes, the king of Caucasian Iberia. The attack was repulsed by Hadrian's governor, the historian Arrian, [196] who subsequently installed a Roman "adviser" in Iberia. [197] Arrian kept Hadrian well-informed on matters related to the Black Sea and the Caucasus. Between 131 and 132, he sent Hadrian a lengthy letter (Periplus of the Euxine) on a maritime trip around the Black Sea that was intended to offer relevant information in case a Roman intervention was needed. [198]

Hadrian also developed permanent fortifications and military posts along the empire's borders (limites, sl. limes) to support his policy of stability, peace and preparedness. That helped keep the military usefully occupied in times of peace his wall across Britania was built by ordinary troops. A series of mostly wooden fortifications, forts, outposts and watchtowers strengthened the Danube and Rhine borders. Troops practised intensive, regular drill routines. Although his coins showed military images almost as often as peaceful ones, Hadrian's policy was peace through strength, even threat, [199] with an emphasis on disciplina (discipline), which was the subject of two monetary series. Cassius Dio praised Hadrian's emphasis on "spit and polish" as cause for the generally peaceful character of his reign. [200] Fronto, by contrast, claimed that Hadrian preferred war games to actual war and enjoyed "giving eloquent speeches to the armies" – like the inscribed series of addresses he made while on an inspection tour, during 128, at the new headquarters of Legio III Augusta in Lambaesis [201]

Faced with a shortage of legionary recruits from Italy and other Romanised provinces, Hadrian systematised the use of less costly numeri – ethnic non-citizen troops with special weapons, such as Eastern mounted archers, in low-intensity, mobile defensive tasks such as dealing with border infiltrators and skirmishers. [202] [203] Hadrian is also credited with introducing units of heavy cavalry (cataphracts) into the Roman army. [204] Fronto later blamed Hadrian for declining standards in the Roman army of his own time. [205]

Hadrian enacted, through the jurist Salvius Julianus, the first attempt to codify Roman law. This was the Perpetual Edict, according to which the legal actions of praetors became fixed statutes, and as such could no longer be subjected to personal interpretation or change by any magistrate other than the Emperor. [206] [207] At the same time, following a procedure initiated by Domitian, Hadrian made the Emperor's legal advisory board, the consilia principis ("council of the princeps") into a permanent body, staffed by salaried legal aides. [208] Its members were mostly drawn from the equestrian class, replacing the earlier freedmen of the Imperial household. [209] [210] This innovation marked the superseding of surviving Republican institutions by an openly autocratic political system. [211] The reformed bureaucracy was supposed to exercise administrative functions independently of traditional magistracies objectively it did not detract from the Senate's position. The new civil servants were free men and as such supposed to act on behalf of the interests of the "Crown", not of the Emperor as an individual. [209] However, the Senate never accepted the loss of its prestige caused by the emergence of a new aristocracy alongside it, placing more strain on the already troubled relationship between the Senate and the Emperor. [212]

Hadrian codified the customary legal privileges of the wealthiest, most influential or highest status citizens (described as splendidiores personae of honestiores), who held a traditional right to pay fines when found guilty of relatively minor, non-treasonous offences. Low ranking persons – alii ("the others"), including low-ranking citizens – were humiliores who for the same offences could be subject to extreme physical punishments, including forced labour in the mines or in public works, as a form of fixed-term servitude. While Republican citizenship had carried at least notional equality under law, and the right to justice, offences in Imperial courts were judged and punished according to the relative prestige, rank, reputation and moral worth of both parties senatorial courts were apt to be lenient when trying one of their peers, and to deal very harshly with offences committed against one of their number by low ranking citizens or non-citizens. For treason (maiestas) beheading was the worst punishment that the law could inflict on honestiores die humiliores might suffer crucifixion, burning, or condemnation to the beasts in the arena. [213]

A great number of Roman citizens maintained a precarious social and economic advantage at the lower end of the hierarchy. Hadrian found it necessary to clarify that decurions, the usually middle-class, elected local officials responsible for running the ordinary, everyday official business of the provinces, counted as honestiores so did soldiers, veterans and their families, as far as civil law was concerned by implication, all others, including freedmen and slaves, counted as humiliores. Like most Romans, Hadrian seems to have accepted slavery as morally correct, an expression of the same natural order that rewarded "the best men" with wealth, power and respect. When confronted by a crowd demanding the freeing of a popular slave charioteer, Hadrian replied that he could not free a slave belonging to another person. [214] However, he limited the punishments that slaves could suffer they could be lawfully tortured to provide evidence, but they could not be lawfully killed unless guilty of a capital offence. [215] Masters were also forbidden to sell slaves to a gladiator trainer (lanista) or to a procurer, except as legally justified punishment. [216] Hadrian also forbade torture of free defendants and witnesses. [217] [218] He abolished ergastula, private prisons for slaves in which kidnapped free men had sometimes been illegally detained. [219]

Hadrian issued a general rescript, imposing a ban on castration, performed on freedman or slave, voluntarily or not, on pain of death for both the performer and the patient. [220] Under the Lex Cornelia de Sicaris et Veneficis, castration was placed on a par with conspiracy to murder, and punished accordingly. [221] Notwithstanding his philhellenism, Hadrian was also a traditionalist. He enforced dress-standards among the honestiores senators and knights were expected to wear the toga when in public. He imposed strict separation between the sexes in theatres and public baths to discourage idleness, the latter were not allowed to open until 2.00 in the afternoon, "except for medical reasons". [222]

One of Hadrian's immediate duties on accession was to seek senatorial consent for the apotheosis of his predecessor, Trajan, and any members of Trajan's family to whom he owed a debt of gratitude. Matidia Augusta, Hadrian's mother-in-law, died in December 119, and was duly deified. [223] Hadrian may have stopped at Nemausus during his return from Britannia, to oversee the completion or foundation of a basilica dedicated to his patroness Plotina. She had recently died in Rome and had been deified at Hadrian's request. [93]

As Emperor, Hadrian was also Rome's pontifex maximus, responsible for all religious affairs and the proper functioning of official religious institutions throughout the empire. His Hispano-Roman origins and marked pro-Hellenism shifted the focus of the official imperial cult, from Rome to the Provinces. While his standard coin issues still identified him with the traditional genius populi Romani, other issues stressed his personal identification with Hercules Gaditanus (Hercules of Gades), and Rome's imperial protection of Greek civilisation. [224] He promoted Sagalassos in Greek Pisidia as the Empire's leading Imperial cult centre his exclusively Greek Panhellenion extolled Athens as the spiritual centre of Greek culture. [225]

Hadrian added several Imperial cult centres to the existing roster, particularly in Greece, where traditional intercity rivalries were commonplace. Cities promoted as Imperial cult centres drew Imperial sponsorship of festivals and sacred games, attracted tourism, trade and private investment. Local worthies and sponsors were encouraged to seek self-publicity as cult officials under the aegis of Roman rule, and to foster reverence for Imperial authority. [226] Hadrian's rebuilding of long-established religious centres would have further underlined his respect for the glories of classical Greece – something well in line with contemporary antiquarian tastes. [115] [227] During Hadrian's third and last trip to the Greek East, there seems to have been an upwelling of religious fervour, focused on Hadrian himself. He was given personal cult as a deity, monuments and civic homage, according to the religious syncretism at the time. [228] He may have had the great Serapeum of Alexandria rebuilt, following damage sustained in 116, during the Kitos War. [229]

In 136, just two years before his death, Hadrian dedicated his Temple of Venus and Roma. It was built on land he had set aside for the purpose in 121, formerly the site of Nero's Golden House. The temple was the largest in Rome, and was built in an Hellenising style, more Greek than Roman. The temple's dedication and statuary associated the worship of the traditional Roman goddess Venus, divine ancestress and protector of the Roman people, with the worship of the goddess Roma – herself a Greek invention, hitherto worshiped only in the provinces – to emphasise the universal nature of the empire. [230]

Antinous Edit

Hadrian had Antinous deified as Osiris-Antinous by an Egyptian priest at the ancient Temple of Ramesses II, very near the place of his death. Hadrian dedicated a new temple-city complex there, built in a Graeco-Roman style, and named it Antinoöpolis. [231] It was a proper Greek polis it was granted an Imperially subsidised alimentary scheme similar to Trajan's alimenta, [232] and its citizens were allowed intermarriage with members of the native population, without loss of citizen-status. Hadrian thus identified an existing native cult (to Osiris) with Roman rule. [233] The cult of Antinous was to become very popular in the Greek-speaking world, and also found support in the West. In Hadrian's villa, statues of the Tyrannicides, with a bearded Aristogeiton and a clean-shaven Harmodios, linked his favourite to the classical tradition of Greek love. [234] In the west, Antinous was identified with the Celtic sun-god Belenos. [235]

Hadrian was criticised for the open intensity of his grief at Antinous's death, particularly as he had delayed the apotheosis of his own sister Paulina after her death. [236] Nevertheless, his recreation of the deceased youth as a cult-figure found little opposition. [237] Though not a subject of the state-sponsored, official Roman imperial cult, Antinous offered a common focus for the emperor and his subjects, emphasising their sense of community. [238] Medals were struck with his effigy, and statues erected to him in all parts of the empire, in all kinds of garb, including Egyptian dress. [239] Temples were built for his worship in Bithynia and Mantineia in Arcadia. In Athens, festivals were celebrated in his honour and oracles delivered in his name. As an "international" cult figure, Antinous had an enduring fame, far outlasting Hadrian's reign. [240] Local coins with his effigy were still being struck during Caracalla's reign, and he was invoked in a poem to celebrate the accession of Diocletian. [241]

Christians Edit

Hadrian continued Trajan's policy on Christians they should not be sought out, and should only be prosecuted for specific offences, such as refusal to swear oaths. [242] In a rescript addressed to the proconsul of Asia, Gaius Minicius Fundanus, and preserved by Justin Martyr, Hadrian laid down that accusers of Christians had to bear the burden of proof for their denunciations [243] or be punished for calumnia (defamation). [244]

Hadrian had an abiding and enthusiastic interest in art, architecture and public works. Rome's Pantheon (temple "to all the gods"), originally built by Agrippa and destroyed by fire in 80, was partly restored under Trajan and completed under Hadrian in the domed form it retains to this day. Hadrian's Villa at Tibur (Tivoli) provides the greatest Roman equivalent of an Alexandrian garden, complete with domed Serapeum, recreating a sacred landscape. [245] An anecdote from Cassius Dio's history suggests Hadrian had a high opinion of his own architectural tastes and talents, and took their rejection as a personal offence: at some time before his reign, his predecessor Trajan was discussing an architectural problem with Apollodorus of Damascus – architect and designer of Trajan's Forum, the Column commemorating his Dacian conquest, and his bridge across the Danube – when Hadrian interrupted to offer his advice. Apollodorus gave him a scathing response: "Be off, and draw your gourds [a sarcastic reference to the domes which Hadrian apparently liked to draw]. You don't understand any of these matters." Dio claims that once Hadrian became emperor, he showed Apollodorus drawings of the gigantic Temple of Venus and Roma, implying that great buildings could be created without his help. When Apollodorus pointed out the building's various insoluble problems and faults, Hadrian was enraged, sent him into exile and later put him to death on trumped up charges. [246] [247]

Hadrian wrote poetry in both Latin and Greek one of the few surviving examples is a Latin poem he reportedly composed on his deathbed (see below). Some of his Greek productions found their way into the Palatine Anthology. [248] [249] He also wrote an autobiography, which Historia Augusta says was published under the name of Hadrian's freedman Phlegon of Tralles. It was not, apparently, a work of great length or revelation, but designed to scotch various rumours or explain Hadrian's most controversial actions. [250] It is possible that this autobiography had the form of a series of open letters to Antoninus Pius. [251]

Hadrian was a passionate hunter from a young age. [252] In northwest Asia, he founded and dedicated a city to commemorate a she-bear he killed. [253] It is documented that in Egypt he and his beloved Antinous killed a lion. [253] In Rome, eight reliefs featuring Hadrian in different stages of hunting decorate a building that began as a monument celebrating a kill. [253]

Hadrian's philhellenism may have been one reason for his adoption, like Nero before him, of the beard as suited to Roman imperial dignity Dio of Prusa had equated the growth of the beard with the Hellenic ethos. [254] Hadrian's beard may also have served to conceal his natural facial blemishes. [255] All emperors before him (except Nero) had been clean-shaven emperors who came after him until Constantine the Great were bearded and this imperial fashion was revived again by Phocas at the beginning of the 7th century. [256] [257]

Hadrian was familiar with the rival philosophers Epictetus and Favorinus, and with their works, and held an interest in Roman philosophy. During his first stay in Greece, before he became emperor, he attended lectures by Epictetus at Nicopolis. [258] Shortly before the death of Plotina, Hadrian had granted her wish that the leadership of the Epicurean School in Athens be open to a non-Roman candidate. [259]

During Hadrian's time as Tribune of the Plebs, omens and portents supposedly announced his future imperial condition. [260] According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian had a great interest in astrology and divination and had been told of his future accession to the Empire by a grand-uncle who was himself a skilled astrologer. [261]

Poem by Hadrian Edit

Volgens die Historia Augusta, Hadrian composed the following poem shortly before his death: [262]

Animula, vagula, blandula Hospes comesque corporis Quae nunc abibis in loca Pallidula, rigida, nudula, Nec, ut soles, dabis iocos. P. Aelius Hadrianus Imp. Roving amiable little soul, Body's companion and guest, Now descending for parts Colourless, unbending, and bare Your usual distractions no more shall be there.

The poem has enjoyed remarkable popularity, [263] [264] but uneven critical acclaim. [265] According to Aelius Spartianus, the alleged author of Hadrian's biography in the Historia Augusta, Hadrian "wrote also similar poems in Greek, not much better than this one". [266] T. S. Eliot's poem "Animula" may have been inspired by Hadrian's, though the relationship is not unambiguous. [267]

Hadrian has been described as the most versatile of all Roman emperors, who "adroitly concealed a mind envious, melancholy, hedonistic, and excessive with respect to his own ostentation he simulated restraint, affability, clemency, and conversely disguised the ardor for fame with which he burned." [268] [269] His successor Marcus Aurelius, in his Meditations, lists those to whom he owes a debt of gratitude Hadrian is conspicuously absent. [270] Hadrian's tense, authoritarian relationship with his senate was acknowledged a generation after his death by Fronto, himself a senator, who wrote in one of his letters to Marcus Aurelius that "I praised the deified Hadrian, your grandfather, in the senate on a number of occasions with great enthusiasm, and I did this willingly, too [. ] But, if it can be said – respectfully acknowledging your devotion towards your grandfather – I wanted to appease and assuage Hadrian as I would Mars Gradivus or Dis Pater, rather than to love him." [271] Fronto adds, in another letter, that he kept some friendships, during Hadrian's reign, "under the risk of my life" (cum periculo capitis). [272] Hadrian underscored the autocratic character of his reign by counting his dies imperii from the day of his acclamation by the armies, rather than the senate, and legislating by frequent use of imperial decrees to bypass the Senate's approval. [273] The veiled antagonism between Hadrian and the Senate never grew to overt confrontation as had happened during the reigns of overtly "bad" emperors, because Hadrian knew how to remain aloof and avoid an open clash. [274] That Hadrian spent half of his reign away from Rome in constant travel probably helped to mitigate the worst of this permanently strained relationship. [275]

In 1503, Niccolò Machiavelli, though an avowed republican, esteemed Hadrian as an ideal princeps, one of Rome's Five Good Emperors. Friedrich Schiller called Hadrian "the Empire's first servant". Edward Gibbon admired his "vast and active genius" and his "equity and moderation", and considered Hadrian's era as part of the "happiest era of human history". In Ronald Syme's view, Hadrian "was a Führer, a Duce, a Caudillo". [276] According to Syme, Tacitus' description of the rise and accession of Tiberius is a disguised account of Hadrian's authoritarian Principate. [277] According, again, to Syme, Tacitus' Annals would be a work of contemporary history, written "during Hadrian's reign and hating it". [278]

While the balance of ancient literary opinion almost invariably compares Hadrian unfavourably to his predecessor, modern historians have sought to examine his motives, purposes and the consequences of his actions and policies. [279] For M.A. Levi, a summing-up of Hadrian's policies should stress the ecumenical character of the Empire, his development of an alternate bureaucracy disconnected from the Senate and adapted to the needs of an "enlightened" autocracy, and his overall defensive strategy this would qualify him as a grand Roman political reformer, creator of an openly absolute monarchy to replace a sham senatorial republic. [280] Robin Lane Fox credits Hadrian as creator of a unified Greco-Roman cultural tradition, and as the end of this same tradition Hadrian's attempted "restoration" of Classical culture within a non-democratic Empire drained it of substantive meaning, or, in Fox's words, "kill[ed] it with kindness". [281]

In Hadrian's time, there was already a well established convention that one could not write a contemporary Roman imperial history for fear of contradicting what the emperors wanted to say, read or hear about themselves. [282] [283] As an earlier Latin source, Fronto's correspondence and works attest to Hadrian's character and the internal politics of his rule. [284] Greek authors such as Philostratus and Pausanias wrote shortly after Hadrian's reign, but confined their scope to the general historical framework that shaped Hadrian's decisions, especially those relating the Greek-speaking world, Greek cities and notables. [285] Pausanias especially wrote a lot in praise of Hadrian's benefactions to Greece in general and Athens in particular. [286] Political histories of Hadrian's reign come mostly from later sources, some of them written centuries after the reign itself. The early 3rd-century Romeinse geskiedenis by Cassius Dio, written in Greek, gave a general account of Hadrian's reign, but the original is lost, and what survives, aside from some fragments, is a brief, Byzantine-era abridgment by the 11th-century monk Xiphilinius, who focused on Hadrian's religious interests, the Bar Kokhba war, and little else—mostly on Hadrian's moral qualities and his fraught relationship with the Senate. [287] The principal source for Hadrian's life and reign is therefore in Latin: one of several late 4th-century imperial biographies, collectively known as the Historia Augusta. The collection as a whole is notorious for its unreliability ("a mish mash of actual fact, cloak and dagger, sword and sandal, with a sprinkling of Ubu Roi"), [288] but most modern historians consider its account of Hadrian to be relatively free of outright fictions, and probably based on sound historical sources, [289] principally one of a lost series of imperial biographies by the prominent 3rd-century senator Marius Maximus, who covered the reigns of Nerva through to Elagabalus. [290]

The first modern historian to produce a chronological account of Hadrian's life, supplementing the written sources with other epigraphical, numismatic, and archaeological evidence, was the German 19th-century medievalist Ferdinand Gregorovius. [291] A 1907 biography by Weber, [291] a German nationalist and later Nazi Party supporter, incorporates the same archaeological evidence to produce an account of Hadrian, and especially his Bar Kokhba war, that has been described as ideologically loaded. [292] [293] [294] Epigraphical studies in the post-war period help support alternate views of Hadrian. Anthony Birley's 1997 biography of Hadrian sums up and reflects these developments in Hadrian historiography.

Except where otherwise noted, the notes below indicate that an individual's parentage is as shown in the above family tree.


Capitoline She-wolf

On the other hand, if the wolf is medieval, what was its original function? We should not think that a medieval wolf is any less valuable just because it is more recent in its date of manufacture. In fact, a pastiche Capitoline She-wolf might be an even better symbol of Rome: a Renaissance addition to a medieval statue that recreates the ancient symbol of the eternal city.

Bykomende hulpbronne:

M. R. Alföldi, E. Formigli, and J. Fried, Die römische Wölfin: ein antikes Monument stürzt von seinem Sockel = The Lupa Romana: an antique monument falls from her pedestal (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2011).

G. Bartoloni and A. M. Carruba, La lupa capitolina: nuove prospettive di studio : incontro-dibattito in occasione della pubblicazione del volume di Anna Maria Carruba, La lupa capitolina: un bronzo medievale Sapienza, Università di Roma, Roma 28 febbraio 2008 (Rome: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider, 2008).

Andrea Carandini and R. Cappelli, Roma: Romolo, Remo e la fondazione della città (Milan: Electa, 2000).

A. M. Carruba and L. De Masi, La Lupa capitolina: un bronzo medievale (Rome: De Luca, 2006).

C. Dulière, Lupa romana: Recherches d’Iconographie et Essai d’Interprétation (Rome: Institut historique belge de Rome, 1979).

A. W. J. Holleman, “The Ogulnii Monument at Rome,” Mnemosyne 40.3/4 (1987), pp. 427-429.

C. Mazzoni, She-Wolf: The Story of a Roman Icon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).


Epilogue

After 21 years of rule, in 138 CE, Hadrian died, presumably of heart failure, at the age of 62.
Volgens die Historia Augusta, a late Roman source on Hadrian's life, Hadrian composed the following poem shortly before his death:

Animula vagula blandula,
Hospes comesque corporis
quo nunc abibis? in loca
pallidula, rigida, nubilanec
ut soles dabis iocos

Ag! gentle, fleeting, wav'ring sprite,
Friend and associate of this clay!
To what unknown region borne,
Wilt thou, now, wing thy distant flight?
No more, with wonted humour gay,
But pallid, cheerless, and forlorn.


Kyk die video: Beeld van was gieten in brons (Januarie 2022).