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Medieval Warfare Vol II Uitgawe 1: Die skep van 'n Viking -ryk: Die veldtogte van Cnut the Great


Medieval Warfare Vol II Uitgawe 1: Die skep van 'n Viking -ryk: Die veldtogte van Cnut the Great

Medieval Warfare Vol II Uitgawe 1: Die skep van 'n Viking -ryk: Die veldtogte van Cnut the Great

Die uitgawe van Medieval Warfare Magazine is ongeveer half-en-half verdeel tussen die tema oor Cnut en die Vikings en meer algemene artikels. Ons begin met 'n kort geskiedenis van die Viking -veldtogte in Brittanje, Ierland en Frankryk. Die tema word dan direk gedek deur artikels oor Cnut se verowering van Noorweë, sy lyfwagte en die Deense verowering van Engeland. Artikels oor oorlogvoering in die Angelsaksiese poësie en oor die berserker is minder direk verbind, maar steeds relevant. Dit is 'n goeie keuse van onderwerpe wat die hoofpunte van Cnut se loopbaan dek, maar ook 'n paar minder bekende onderwerpe.

Weg van die tema is daar twee artikels oor laat -Middeleeuse wapenrusting, die eerste kyk na die nywerhede wat dit vervaardig het, die tweede oor die behendigheid van 'n ridder in plaatwapens. Die toenemende omvang van die wapenrustingsbedryf was veral vir my van belang.

Uiteindelik is daar twee onverwante artikels, een oor die Slag van Tewkesbury van 1471, die geveg waarin Edward IV die troon herwin het nadat hy tydelik omvergewerp is deur sy voormalige bondgenoot Warwick the Kingmaker en een wat kyk na Hunedoara Castle, die vesting van John Hunyadi, regent van Hongarye. Die Tewkesbury -artikel kyk eintlik na die hele veldtog en is 'n goeie weergawe van hierdie voorlaaste fase van die War of the Roses.

Hoofstukke
Chainmail se terreurlied: Oorlogvoering in Angelsaksiese poësie
Omhels die Noordsee: Cnut se verowering van Noorweë
Die huiskarre: Die lyfwagte van Cnut the Great
Berserk gaan: Die sielkunde van Berserkers
Huursoldate, krygshere en konings: Die Deense verowering van Engeland
John Hunyadi se vesting: Die kasteel van Hunedoara
Die verdedigingsbedryf: 'n blik op die wapenrustingsbedryf van die veertiende, vyftiende en sestiende eeu
Victory of York: The Battle of Tewkesbury, 1471
Die doodmaak van die mite: die stadige ridder in lomp pantser



Met watter slegte geskiedenis het u onderwysers doelbewus op pad gegaan?

So ek lees /u /Vladith se draad en dink, damn, ek was so gelukkig dat ek mnr. V. as Engelse onderwyser terug in graad 10 gehad het. Sien, graad 10 was toe ons dit gedoen het Om 'n Mockingbird dood te maak. En dit was in 'n klein dorpie van wit mense wie se enigste meisie wat aan swart mense blootgestel is, sendingreise en herhalings van Vars Prins van Bel-Air. Na alle regte, dit moes 'n kakvertoning gewees het.

Maar. Voordat ons eers aan die boek geraak het, het meneer V. elkeen van ons onderwerpe in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis van die swart wêreld opgedra om na te vors en daaroor aan te bied. Nie net, net & quotslavery & quot. Dinge soos Harper 's Ferry, Ruben Carter, die Buffelsoldate. In sommige gevalle was die verband nie duidelik nie - een onderwerp was net Elvis Presley, en dit was aan die student om uit te vind hoe rock uit swart musiek gekom het. Soos u waarskynlik kan agterkom, het die meeste van die onderwerpe 'n verband met die popkultuur gehad wat ons moontlik bekend was.

As gevolg hiervan het die klas 'n verbasend ordentlike ongelukskursus in die swart geskiedenis en Amerikaanse rasseverhoudinge gekry. Nou kan 'n Engelse klas rassisme nie regmaak of kinders in geskiedeniskundiges verander nie. Maar dit het ons belangrike stukke historiese konteks gegee, wat die kragdinamika in hierdie roman se spesifieke tyd en plek gemaak het verstaanbaar. Dit het my aangegryp, en hopelik het dit ook by sommige van my klasmaats vasgehou.

Bespreek: het jy het u ooit 'n onderwyser gehad wat verwag het dat studente waarskynlik wanopvattings het en uit hul pad gegaan het om dit aan te spreek?


Inhoud

Die Eerste Kruistog het 'n beweging geïnspireer wat een van die belangrikste bepalende elemente en eienskappe van die laat -Middeleeuse Westerse kultuur geword het. [1] Hierdie beweging het elke land in Europa en byna elke aspek van die lewe geraak, insluitend die kerk, godsdienstige denke, politiek, die ekonomie en die samelewing. Dit het sy eie literatuur geskep en het 'n blywende impak op die geskiedenis van die westelike Islamitiese wêreld en die Baltiese gebied. [2] 'n Duidelike ideologie blyk duidelik uit die tekste wat kruistogte beskryf, gereguleer en bevorder het. Dit is gedefinieer in wetlike en teologiese terme gebaseer op die teorie van die Heilige Oorlog en die konsep van pelgrimstog. Teologies was daar 'n samesmelting van Ou -Testamentiese parallelle met Joodse oorloë wat deur God aangevuur en bygestaan ​​is met Nuwe -Testamentiese Christosentriese sienings oor die vorming van individuele verhoudings met Christus. Die heilige oorlog was gebaseer op bellum iustum, die antieke idee van regverdige oorlog. Augustinus van Hippo het dit gekersten, en kanoniese advokate het dit ontwikkel vanaf die 11de eeu tot bellum sacrum, die paradigma van Christelike heilig. Die kriteria vir heilige oorlog moet begin word deur 'n wettige gesag, soos 'n pous of keiser wat as goddelike gesag optree oorsaaklik, 'n regverdige oorsaak soos ernstige oortreding, openlike aggressie of skadelike optrede 'n bedreiging vir die Christelike godsdiens en bedoeling gevoer met suiwer bedoelings soos die goeie van godsdiens of medegodsdiens. In die 12de eeu het Gratianus en die Decretists hieroor uitgebrei, en Thomas Aquinas het dit in die 13de eeu verfyn. Die idee dat heilige oorlog teen heidene geregverdig kan word bloot deur hul opposisie teen die Christendom, voorgestel deur Henry van Segusio, is nooit universeel aanvaar nie. Kruistogte word beskou as spesiale pelgrimstogte, 'n fisiese en geestelike reis onder kerklike jurisdiksie en die beskerming van die kerk. Pelgrimstog en kruistog was boetelike dade wat pouse as kruisvaarders beskou het, 'n plenum-toegewing verdien het om vergifnis te gee van alle deur God opgelegde tydelike strawwe. [3]

Kruistogte is beskryf in terme van die Ou -Testamentiese geskiedenis, soortgelyk aan die Israeliete se verowering van Kanaän en die oorloë van die Makkabeërs. Dit het oorloë gebied teen die vyande van Israel wat deur God se volk gevoer is, onder goddelike leierskap teen die vyande van 'n ware godsdiens. Daar word geglo dat die kruistogte heilige oorlogvoering is wat onder God se gesag en ondersteuning gevoer is. Ou -Testamentiese figure soos Josua en Judas Makkabeus is as rolmodelle aangebied. Kruisvaarders is beskou as milites Christi Christus se soldate vorm die militia Christi of Christus se leër. Dit was slegs metafories tot en met die eerste kruistog, toe die konsep oorgedra is van die predikant na die sekulêre. Vanaf die einde van die 12de eeu het die terme << | crucesignatus >> of crucesignata wat beteken "een met die kruis onderteken" is aangeneem. Kruisvaarders het lapkruise aan hul kledingstukke geheg om hulle as 'n volgeling -aanhanger van Christus te merk, en reageer op die Bybelse gedeelte in Lukas 9:23 "om die kruis te dra en [Christus] te volg". Die kruis simboliseer toewyding aan Christus bykomend tot die boetemaak. Dit het 'n persoonlike verhouding tussen kruisvaarder en God geskep wat die kruisvaarder se spiritualiteit kenmerk. Daar word geglo dat enigiemand 'n kruisvaarder kan word, ongeag geslag, rykdom of sosiale status. Soms is dit gesien as 'n imitatio Christi of navolging van Christus, 'n offer wat deur liefdadigheid vir mede -Christene gemotiveer word. Diegene wat in die veldtog gesterf het, word as martelare beskou. Die Heilige Land is beskou as die erfdeel van Christus, die herstel daarvan was namens God. Die Albigensiaanse Kruistog was 'n verdediging van die Franse kerk; die Baltiese Kruistogte was veldtogte wat lande wat Christus se moeder Maria vir die Christendom liefgehad het, verower. [4]

Van die begin af was kruistogte sterk verbind met die herstel van Jerusalem en die Palestynse heilige plekke. Die historiese Christelike betekenis van Jerusalem as die raamwerk vir Christus se verlossingsdaad was fundamenteel vir die Eerste Kruistog en die suksesvolle vestiging van die instelling van kruistog. Kruistogte na die Heilige Land is altyd met die grootste entoesiasme en ondersteuning ontmoet, maar kruistogte was nie uitsluitlik gekoppel aan die Heilige Land nie. Teen die eerste helfte van die 12de eeu is kruistogte na die ander teaters in die periferie van Christelike Europa oorgeplaas: die Iberiese skiereiland, noordoos van Europa teen die Wends teen die 13de eeu, die sendingstogte na die Baltiese gebied, oorloë teen ketters in Frankryk, Duitsland en Hongarye en veral Italiaanse veldtogte teen die pous se politieke vyande. Gemeenskaplik vir almal was pouslike sanksie en die middeleeuse konsep van een Christelike gemeenskap, een kerk, wat deur die pousdom regeer word, apart van heidene of ongelowiges. Die Christendom was 'n geopolitieke verwysing, en dit is ondersteun deur die boetepraktyk van die Middeleeuse kerk. Hierdie idees het gestyg met die aanmoediging van die Gregoriaanse Hervormers van die 11de eeu en het afgeneem na die Hervorming. Die ideologie van kruistog is ná die 16de eeu hoofsaaklik deur die militêre bevele voortgesit, maar het afgeneem in mededinging met ander vorme van godsdiensoorlog en nuwe ideologieë. [5]

Kruistogte was die stryd teen Christelike godsdiensoorloë, waarvan die magtiging en doelstellings van die pous afkomstig was deur sy wettige gesag as Vikar van Christus. Bestryders het vergifnis ontvang vir belyde sonde, wettige immuniteit, vryheid van skuldrente en sowel hul gesin as eiendom is deur die kerk beskerm. Hulle het geloftes afgelê soos dié van 'n pelgrimstog, waarvan die duur bepaal is deur voltooiing, deur ontbinding of deur die dood. Diegene wat in die geveg gesterf het of die gelofte voltooi het, is as ewige heil as martelare beskou. Die eerste, oorspronklike en bekendste kruistog was die ekspedisie om Jerusalem te herstel van die Moslemregering in 1095. Eeue lank was die Heilige Land die belangrikste faktor in terme van retoriek, verbeelding en ideologie. [6]

Aanvanklik die term kruistog wat in die moderne geskiedskrywing gebruik word, verwys na die oorloë in die Heilige Land wat begin in 1095. Die omvang van gebeure waarop die term toegepas is, is uitgebrei, sodat die gebruik daarvan 'n misleidende indruk van samehang kan skep, veral met betrekking tot die vroeë kruistogte. Die Latynse terme wat gebruik is vir die veldtog van die Eerste Kruistog was iter, "reis", en peregrinatio, "pelgrimstog". [7] Die terminologie van kruistog was gedurende die 12de eeu grootliks ononderskeibaar van dié van Christelike pelgrimstog. Dit weerspieël die werklikheid van die eerste eeu van kruistog, toe nie alle gewapende pelgrims geveg het nie en nie almal wat geveg het godsdienstige geloftes afgelê het nie. Eers in die laat 12de en vroeë 13de eeu het 'n meer spesifieke 'taal van kruistog' ontstaan. [8] Pous Innocentius III het die term gebruik negotium crucis of "affêre van die kruis". Sinibaldo Fieschi, die toekomstige pous Innocentius IV, het die terme gebruik crux transmarina- "die kruis oorsee" - vir kruistogte in die Outremer (kruisvaarderstate) teen Moslems en crux cismarina- "die kruis aan die kant van die see" - vir kruistogte in Europa teen ander vyande van die kerk. [9] Die moderne Engelse "kruistog" dateer uit die vroeë 1700's. [10] [A] Die term wat in moderne Arabies gebruik word, ḥamalāt ṣalībiyya حملات صليبية, aangesteek. "veldtogte van die kruis", is 'n leenvertaling van die term "kruistog" soos dit in die Westerse geskiedskrywing gebruik word. [11]

Die Franse Katolieke prokureur Étienne Pasquier, wat van 1529 tot 1615 geleef het, word beskou as die eerste historikus wat probeer het om elke kruistog in die Heilige Land te nommer. Hy het voorgestel dat daar ses was. [12] In 1820 skryf Charles Mills Geskiedenis van die kruistogte vir die herstel en besit van die Heilige Land waarin hy nege verskillende kruistogte getel het van die Eerste Kruistog van 1095–1099 tot die Negende Kruistog van 1271–72. Hierdie konvensie word dikwels behou vir gemak en tradisie, alhoewel dit 'n ietwat willekeurige stelsel is wat sommige historici nou as sewe groot en talle minder veldtogte beskou. [13]

Die term "kruistog" kan in gebruik verskil, afhangende van die outeur. In 'n invloedryke artikel wat in 2001 gepubliseer is, het Giles Constable probeer om vier kategorieë kontemporêre kruistogstudie te definieer:

  • Tradisionaliste soos Hans Eberhard Mayer beperk hul definisie van die kruistogte tot die Christelike veldtogte in die Heilige Land, "óf om die Christene daar by te staan ​​óf om Jerusalem en die Heilige Graf te bevry", gedurende 1095–1291. [14]
  • Pluraliste soos Jonathan Riley-Smith gebruik die term Kruistog van enige veldtog wat uitdruklik deur die heersende Pous goedgekeur is. [15] Dit weerspieël die siening van die Rooms -Katolieke Kerk (insluitend die Middeleeuse tydgenote soos Sint Bernard van Clairvaux) dat elke militêre veldtog wat die pouslike sanksie ontvang, ewe geldig is as 'n kruistog, ongeag die oorsaak, regverdiging of geografiese ligging daarvan. Hierdie breë definisie sluit aanvalle op heidendom en kettery in, soos die Albigensian Crusade the Northern Crusades en die Hussite Wars en oorloë om politieke of territoriale voordeel, soos die Aragonese Kruistog op Sicilië, 'n Kruistog wat deur pous Innocentius III in 1202 teen Markward van Anweiler verklaar is [ 16] een teen die Stedingers verskeie (verklaar deur verskillende pouse) teen keiser Frederik II en sy seuns [17] twee kruistogte teen teenstanders van koning Henry III van Engeland [18] en die Christelike herowering van Iberia. [19]
  • Generaliste soos Ernst-Dieter Hehl, sien kruistogte as enige heilige oorlog wat verband hou met die Latynse Kerk en veg ter verdediging van die geloof.
  • Populariste insluitend Paul Alphandery en Etienne Delaruelle beperk die kruistogte slegs tot diegene wat gekenmerk word deur gewilde gronde van godsdienstige ywer - dit wil sê slegs die eerste kruistog en miskien die volkskruistog. [20] [21]

Kruistogte in die Heilige Land Wysig

In 1095 het pous Urban gevra vir wat nou erken word as die eerste kruistog. Daar was 'n wydverspreide reaksie deur duisende oorwegend arm Christene in die People's Crusade en 'n mag onder leiding van Wes -Europese adellikes het moontlik 100,000 getel. Die gevolg was die suksesvolle verowering van Antiogië en Jerusalem. Baie kruisvaarders het hul pelgrimstog nou as voltooi beskou en teruggekeer na Europa, maar Godfrey van Bouillon het die posisie as verdediger van die Heilige Graf ingeneem. Toe hy met sy broer sterf, word Baldwin die eerste koning van die Latynse koning van Jerusalem. [22] Pous Eugenius III het die onsuksesvolle Tweede Kruistog geopper in reaksie op die verowering van die kruisvaarderstaat Edessa. [23] Pous Gregorius VIII stel die Derde Kruistog voor nadat die Kruisvaarderstate grootliks oorval is na die Slag van Hattin in 1187. [24] Jaffa is herower en die mag het twee keer gevorder na 'n dag se optog na Jerusalem, maar erken dat hulle nie die hulpbronne gehad het om vang en hou die stad vas. 'N Wapenstilstand van drie jaar het pelgrims toegang tot die stad verkry. [25] Pous Innocentius III het die Vierde Kruistog in 1198 geroep, maar die weermag het eerder afgewyk en Christelike Konstantinopel ingeneem. Die gevolg was dat die Vierde Kruistog nooit binne 1.600 km van sy doel van Jerusalem gekom het nie. [26] Die onsuksesvolle Vyfde Kruistog grootliks in Hongarye, Duitsland, Vlaandere met die strategiese bedoeling om die geïsoleerde, makliker verdedigbare en selfonderhoudende Egipte aan te val. [27] In 1228 het die Heilige Romeinse keiser Frederik II die sesde kruistog gelei wat die grootste deel van Jerusalem verower het en 'n stuk grondgebied wat die stad met diplomasie, onderhandeling en geweld verbind het. [28] In 1249 het Louis IX die aanval van die Sewende Kruistog op Egipte gelei wat by Mansura verslaan is. [29] [30] Sy agtste kruistog in 1270 is deur sy broer Charles na Tunis herlei, waar Louis en 'n groot deel van sy leër weens siektes gesterf het. [31]

Kruisvaart na die Heilige Land Jerusalem het om verskeie aspekte afgeneem. Geskiedkundiges het probeer om dit te verduidelik in terme van Moslem -hereniging en jihadi -entoesiasme. Maar die Moslem -eenheid was sporadies en die begeerte na jihad was kortstondig en die aard van kruistog was ongeskik vir die verowering en verdediging van die Heilige Land. Kruisvaarders was op 'n persoonlike pelgrimstog en het gewoonlik teruggekeer wanneer dit voltooi is. Alhoewel die filosofie van kruistog met verloop van tyd verander het, word die kruistogte steeds deur kortstondige leërs gelei deur onafhanklike gesindes, eerder as gesentraliseerde leierskap. Godsdienstige ywer het belangrike militêre prestasies moontlik gemaak, maar dit was moeilik om te beheer en te beheer. Opvolgingsgeskille en dinastiese wedywerings in Europa, mislukte oeste en kettersuitbrake het alles bygedra tot die vermindering van Latyns -Europa se kommer oor Jerusalem. Uiteindelik, alhoewel die gevegte ook aan die rand van die Islamitiese wêreld was, het die groot afstande die oprigting van kruistogte en die instandhouding van kommunikasie onoorkomelik bemoeilik. [32]

Reconquista Edit

Die Christelike verowering van die Iberiese Skiereiland deur Moslembeheer word die reconquista of "herowering" sedert die 19de eeu. Die herinnering aan die verdwaalde Visigotiese koninkryk, wat in die 8ste eeu verwoes is, was 'n belangrike grondslag vir die Christelike uitbreiding van die 10de en 11de eeu. Daar is min vroeë bronne wat dit voor die einde van die 11de eeu godsdienstig regverdig. Die Reconquista was nie 'n onophoudelike godsdiensoorlog nie, maar lang vreedsame periodes afgewissel met kort krisisse, slegs die grense was gekenmerk deur konflik. Tussen die 8ste en 11de eeu het vyf Christelike ryke ontwikkel in die bergagtige, ontoeganklike grensgebiede in die uiterste noorde van die skiereiland: die koninkryke Asturië, Kastilië, Navarra, Aragon en die graafskap Barcelona. [33] In 1137 is Barcelona en Aragon dinasties verenig en in 1143 het Portugal onafhanklik geword. Castilië en Leon is vir die tweede en laaste keer in 1230 verenig. Aan die begin van die 11de eeu het Moslem -Spanje ineengestort in 'n aantal klein Moslem -koninkryke wat Taifa -koninkryke genoem word. Die Christene brei suid uit en verower Toledo in 1085. [34]

Die invloed van die Romeinse kerk was beperk tot in die tweede helfte van die 11de eeu, wat begin het met pous Alexander II wat aflate en pouslike regverdiging aangebied het aan 'n kontingent Franse ridders wat aan die verowering van Barbastro deelgeneem het. Eers het Aragon, vinnig gevolg deur die ander koninkryke, die Romeinse liturgie aangeneem. In reaksie hierop het die Iberiese Moslems steun gesoek by die Almoravid -dinastie in Noord -Afrika, wat 'n groot deel van Iberia verower het, en die oorwegend sekulêre konflik het godsdienstig geword. Die toewyding van die pous het toegeneem, en die aantal buitelandse krygers het by die stryd teen die Moslems aangesluit. Die situasie het die houding van die pousdom teenoor die gebruik van geweld teen Islam beïnvloed, behalwe om dit 'n kruistog te maak. Dit ontbreek die kruistoggelofte, kruisaflegging of die plenêre toegewing. Maar teen 1121 het die Christelike krygers identiese aflate gekry as dié van die Heilige Land. Die Eerste Lateraanse Raad van 1123 het bepaal dat diegene wat die kruis geneem het, veldtog vir Jerusalem of Spanje kan voer. Kruistogbulle is vir werwing uitgereik en gelyktydig met die vestiging van militêre bevele in Outremer is militêre broederskap in Aragon gestig. Literatuur uit die 12de eeu het bygedra tot die bevordering van die Reconquista as 'n kruistog Die lied van Roland en Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi verteenwoordig die Iberiese veldtog van die keiser Karel die Grote as 'n kruistog sowel as Christelike lof chansons de geste. Net soos in die Outremer, het die stryd 'n binnelandse grensoorlog geword, met min besware teen Moslem-Christelike alliansies wat dikwels buitelandse kruisvaarders teëgestaan ​​het. [35]

Op dieselfde tyd as die Tweede Kruistog in 1147 en 1148, en die veldtog teen die heidense Wends anderkant die Elbe, val die Iberiërs met buitelandse hulp aan. [36] Lissabon is ingeneem. Die Castiliërs het Almeria en Tortosa verower, en Lleida het oorgegee aan Ramon Berenguer IV, graaf van Barcelona. Dit was die hoogtepunt van internasionale steun en, in teenstelling met die Outremer, het die Iberiërs die vertroue op eksterne mag verminder. Alhoewel buitelandse heersers in Spanje 'n kruistog onderneem het, was hulle sonder inheemse ondersteuning onsuksesvol. Die Iberiese militêre bevele het die kruistog -ideaal lewend gehou en buitelanders ingesluit, maar het 'n Iberiese aard geword. Aan die einde van die 12de eeu is die Almoravids verplaas deur die Almohad -kalifaat, wat Kastilië in 1195 in Alarcos verslaan het. Die uitbreiding het momentum gekry met pouslike steun in die 1230's. Castille verower Cordoba en Sevilla Aragon, die Valencia en die Balearen en Portugal die Algarve, en voltooi die verowering van Al-Andalus amper. Die Moslem -Emiraat Granada, in die bergagtige gebied van die Sierra Nevada in die suide, het meer as twee eeue gebly. Buitelandse kruisvaarders het afskeidings van kruistogte gekry deur deel te neem aan die vang van Gibraltar in 1309 en die Christelike oorwinning van 1340 tydens die Slag van Río Salado. Ridderlike en hoflike ideale het hierdie ekspedisies vir baie gemerk, eer en avontuur was gelykstaande aan die welsyn van hul siele. Die eenheid onder die gesamentlike bewind van Aragon en Kastilië het gelei tot 'n veldtog van tien jaar en in 1492 het die verowering van Granada wat die Reconquista beëindig het, afgesluit. Dit was 'n regverdiging vir die Spaanse uitbreiding na Amerika. [37]

Die Reconquista het kolonisasie genoem repoblasie deur Mozarabs uit Al-Andalus of Katolieke noordelike Iberië. Oorwegend Franse buitelanders het die pelgrimsroetes na Santiago de Compostela bewoon. Setlaars het liberale voorregte gekry (genoem fueros) om na dig bewoonde Moslem- en Joodse gebiede te verhuis. Die behandeling van die inboorlinge was pragmaties eerder as verdraagsaam. [38] Jode en Moslems is geroep Mudejars, 'n meningspeilbelasting betaal het, nie wapens kon dra nie en beperk tot spesiale kwartale. Hulle het meestal hul godsdienstige praktyke, persoonlike veiligheid en beperkte selfbestuur toegelaat. Hierdie beperkings en druk het geleidelike akkulturasie en sinkretisme tot gevolg gehad. Die Jode wat hulle nie sou bekeer nie, is in 1492 verdryf, en die Mudejar -doop was kort daarna nodig. In 1609 is die Morisco Christelike afstammelinge van Moslems uit Spanje verdryf. [39] [40] [41]

Kruistogte teen Christene Redigeer

Die Christelike heilige oorlog het 'n lang geskiedenis voor die 11de eeu, toe pouslike hervormers die universele kerk met die pousdom begin gelykstel het. Dit het daartoe gelei dat die Peace and Truce of God -beweging militêre verdediging van die kerk, geestelikes en sy eiendom ondersteun het. In 1053 val pous Leo IX die Italo-Normandiërs aan en gee troepe sondeverligting in ruil vir 'n heilige oorlog. Later het pous Gregorius VII en sy burgermag Sancti Petri beskou as om vir die pousdom te veg as 'n boetedoening het redding meegebring. Dit was minder 'n regverdige oorlog van Augustinië as militante Christendom wat ter verdediging van die kerk uit die 8ste eeu geveg het. Laat 11de -eeuse werke deur Anselm van Lucca en Bonizo van Sutri het eerder op ketters en skisma's gefokus eerder as ongelowiges. Die Eerste Kruistog het verdere heilige oorloë aangemoedig, vredesbewaring in Noord -Frankryk, pouslike gevegte met koning Roger II van Sicilië in die 1120's en 1130's, en teen verskillende ketters, hul beskermers en huursoldate in die 1130's en 1170's. Alhoewel daar min bewyse is van kruistogprediking, word gesê dat pous Innocentius III die eerste 'politieke' kruistog vanaf November 1199 vir Sicilië teen Markward van Anweiler gevoer het. Volle kruistogapparaat is in 1208 vir die eerste keer teen Christene ontplooi in die konflik met die Kataarse ketters van Suid -Frankryk en hul Christelike beskermers. Hierdie kruistog is ondersteun deur ontwikkelings soos die totstandkoming van die pouslike state, die doel om die kruistog toegee aan die leke beskikbaar te stel, die herkonfigurasie van die Christelike samelewing en kerklike belasting. [42]

Die pousdom se strewe na homogene Christendom het kruistogte aangemoedig teen enige groep waarmee daar verskille was, soos:

  • die Nederlandse Drenther -boere van 1228 tot 1232
  • Bosniërs veg teen die Hongare vanaf 1227
  • die Stedinger -boere van 1232 tot 1234
  • Engelse rebelle in 1216, 1217 en 1265
  • Grieks -Ortodokse Bisantyne wat baklei het om grondgebied terug te eis wat in 1231, 1239 en die 14de eeu verlore geraak het tot die Ottomane 'n groter bedreiging inhou. [42]

Verskeie pouse het kruistogte gebruik om die politieke posisie van die pousdom te verseker:

  • Teen die Hohenstaufen's van Duitsland en Sicilië van 1239 tot 1269 verhinder hulle omsingeling deur hul Duitse, Italiaanse en Siciliaanse gebiede, en herbevestig pouslike feodale aansprake oor Sicilië en verdedig die mars van Ancona en die hertogdom Spoleto. Kerkbelasting het John of Brienne se veldtogte van 1228 tot 1230 befonds, maar dit was in 1239 dat Gregory IX die eerste keer 'n formele kruistog belê het toe Frederick Rome bedreig het nadat hy die Lombard League verslaan het. Na die dood van die keiser het die kruistog voortgegaan teen sy seuns, die wettige Conrad IV van Duitsland en die buite -egtelike Manfred, koning van Sicilië. Pous Clemens IV werf Karel I van Anjou, die jonger broer van Louis IX van Frankryk, wat in Februarie 1266 Manfred by die Benevento verslaan en vermoor het, in Augustus 1268 vir Conradin, die seun van Conrad IV, in Tagliacozzo verslaan en die manlike lyn van Staufen -dinastie beëindig het Oktober met Conradin se teregstelling in Oktober.
  • Teen 1255 teen Ezzelino III da Romano en sy broer Alberic.
  • Teen 1263 teen Sardinië
  • Die Siciliaanse Vespers, die oorloë om die beheer van Angevin oor Sicilië van 1282 tot 1302. In 1282 het die Siciliane in opstand gekom teen Charles I van Anjou en Frederick se skoonseun, Peter III van Aragon, die anneksasie van die eiland. 'N Kruistog van 1283 wat Aragon binnegeval het en 'n kruistog van 1285 wat deur Filippus III van Frankryk die eiland binnegeval het, het misluk. Die kruistog teen Aragonese heersers het voortgegaan toe Frederik III van Sicilië geweier het om die eiland aan die Angevins terug te gee. Dit eindig in 1302 met die verdrag van Caltabellota.
  • Die behoud van pouslike belange tydens die Avignon -pousdom van 1309 tot 1377.
  • Tydens die Westerse skeuring tussen 1378 en 1417.
  • Teen Lodewyk IV bevestig die Heilige Romeinse keiser keiserlike aansprake van 1310 tot 1313. konflik met die familie Colonna in 1297.
  • Die 1306 onderdrukking van die dwaalleer van Fra Dolcino in Piemonte.
  • Teen Venesië oor Ferrara in 1309/1310
  • Kruistogte georganiseer deur kardinaal-legate soos Bertrand du Pouget en Gil Albornoz teen Milan en Ferrara in 1321 teen Milan, Mantua en rebelle in Ancona in 1324 teen Cesena en Faenza in 1354 weer teen Milan in 1360, 1363 en 1368 teen huursoldaatmaatskappye soos dié van Konrad von Landau In 1357, 1361 en 1369/1370.
  • Tydens die Groot Skeuring tussen 1378 en 1417 het die Romeinse Pous Urbanus VI in 1378 kruistogte geloods teen sy Avignon -mededinger Pous Clemens VII.
  • In 1383 gee pous Urbanus VI aan Henry le Despenser se Engelse veldtog teen Vlaandere die status van kruistog, net soos Johannes van Gaunt se poging om die troon van Castilië in 1386 te doen. [43]

Na 1417 het die pousdom huiwerig geword om kruistogte te gebruik vir politieke doeleindes, miskien erkenning gegee aan die gebrek aan voldoende kerklike fondse om groot leërs te borg, die nutteloosheid en die skade wat hulle aan die stand van beide pousdom en kruistog veroorsaak het. Slegs pous Julius II het in Italië voortgegaan om te kruis. Godsdienstige kruistogte het egter voortgegaan teen die Hussiete van Bohemen in 1420, 1421, 1422, 1427, 1431 en tussen 1465–1471. [44]

'N Ander een is tussen 1428 en 1429 beplan. Die Hervorming het 'n herlewing veroorsaak met verskeie skemas, onder meer teen Henry VIII van Engeland en Elizabeth I van Engeland. [45]

Kruistogte teen die Ottomaanse Ryk Edit

Die pousdom het gereeld kruistogvoorregte uit die 1360's gebied en geen noemenswaardige militêre reaksie teen Moslems in die Middellandse See gelewer nie. Die eerste herlewing van die aktiwiteit was 'n Genoese plan uit 1390 om die hawe van Al-Mahdiya in Tunisië in beslag te neem. Beide die Romeinse en Avignon -pouse het aflate toegeken en die oom van die Franse koning, Louis II, hertog van Bourbon, was die leier. Daar is min bewyse van kruisvat, en die oefening was meer 'n ridderlike promenade deur 'n klein mag. Na 'n siektetoestand van nege weke, het die Tunis-kruistog ingestem om terug te trek. [46] Na hul oorwinning in die Slag van Kosovo in 1389, het die Ottomane die grootste deel van die Balkan verower en die Byzantynse invloed verminder tot die gebied wat onmiddellik rondom Konstantinopel was, wat hulle later beleër het. In 1393 verloor die Bulgaarse tsaar Ivan Shishman Nicopolis aan die Ottomane. In 1394 het pous Bonifatius IX 'n nuwe kruistog uitgeroep teen die Turke, hoewel die Westerse skeuring die pousdom verdeel het. [47] Sigismund van Luxemburg, koning van Hongarye, het hierdie kruistog gelei waarby verskeie Franse edeles betrokke was, waaronder Johannes die Vreeslose, die seun van die hertog van Bourgondië, wat die kruistog se militêre leier geword het. Sigismund het die kruisvaarders aangeraai om op verdediging te fokus toe hulle die Donau bereik, maar hulle beleër die stad Nicopolis. Die Ottomane het hulle op 25 September in die Slag van Nicopolis verslaan en 3 000 gevangenes gevange geneem. [48]

Terwyl die Ottomane weswaarts ingedruk het, vernietig Sultan Murad II die laaste kruistog wat deur Paus gefinansier is in 1444 in Varna aan die Swart See en vernietig vier jaar later die laaste Hongaarse ekspedisie. [47] John Hunyadi en Giovanni da Capistrano het 'n kruistog van 1456 gereël om die beleg van Belgrado op te hef. [49] Æneas Sylvius en Johannes van Capistrano het die kruistog verkondig, die vorste van die Heilige Romeinse Ryk in die dieet van Ratisbon en Frankfurt beloof hulp, en 'n bond word gevorm tussen Venesië, Florence en Milaan, maar daar het niks van gekom nie. Venesië was die enigste staat wat steeds 'n beduidende bedreiging vir die Ottomane in die Middellandse See ingehou het, maar dit het die 'Kruistog' meestal gevolg vir sy kommersiële belange, wat gelei het tot die uitgerekte Ottomaanse - Venesiese Oorloë, wat tot 1718 met onderbrekings voortgeduur het. Die einde van die kruistogte, in ten minste 'n nominale poging van Katolieke Europa teen die inval van Moslem, kom in die 16de eeu, toe die Frans-keiserlike oorloë kontinentale afmetings aanneem. Frans I van Frankryk soek bondgenote uit alle oorde, ook by Duitse protestantse prinse en Moslems. Hieronder het hy saam met Suleiman the Magnificent een van die kapitulasies van die Ottomaanse Ryk aangegaan terwyl hy 'n gemeenskaplike saak met Hayreddin Barbarossa en 'n aantal van die Sultan se Noord -Afrikaanse vasale gemaak het. [50]

Baltiese kruistogte Redigeer

Die veldtogte vir die verowering en omskakeling van die lande aan die suidelike en oostelike kus van die Baltiese See vanaf die laat 12de eeu tot die Reformasie het bekend gestaan ​​as die Baltiese of Noordelike Kruistogte. Pogings deur Skandinawiese, Duitse, Poolse en Boheemse sendelinge na heidense bekering tot Latynse Christendom het misluk voor die laat twaalfde eeu, toe kruisvaarders uit Swede, Gotland en Sakse die grootste deel van Letland en Estland verower het. Die Livonian Brothers of the Sword militêre orde het 'n permanente besettingsmag verskaf terwyl die kruisvaarders tuis oorwinter het. Nederlae by Saule in 1236 en by die Peipusmeer in 1242 het die uitbreiding van die bevel na Litaue en Rusland gestuit. Vanaf 1237 het pous Gregorius IX begin om die Sword Brothers in die Teutoniese Orde op te neem. Die Teutonic Knights, wat in die 1190's in Palestina gestig is as 'n hospitaalbevel na die beleg van Acre, is herorganiseer as 'n militêre bevel. Historikus Robert Bartlett definieer die verowering en organisasie van mag in die Baltiese See as deel van 'n algemene beweging vir 'die uitbreiding van die Latynse Christendom'. It was made possible by the crusading ideology placing the full machinery of the Church behind superior military technology. It enabled the recruitment of troops by preaching the offer of spiritual rewards for combatants and the administrative machinery to establish a government in the conquered territories. [51] [52]

The Teutonic Order first responded to a request from Konrad I of Masovia for assistance against pagan Prussians in 1228. Over the following decades, with the assistance of regular crusades, they conquered the Prussians and attacked the Lithuanians. The Order purchased Brandenburg from Władysław I Łokietek in compensation for the military services they had provided Poland, and in 1309 the grand master transferred his headquarters to Prussia creating a unique state. The state's chief rivals were the Kingdom of Poland and the Archbishopric of Riga. The order refused cooperation with the local papal legates and concentrated on influence at the papal court. The grand masters looked for alliances, including with John of Bohemia, and recruited French, Burgundian, Dutch, English, and Scottish knights for raids called reysen. [53] These were exemplars of chivalric values and nobility. Historians see the battle of Tannenberg in 1410 as the turning point. The Order’s defeat was surprising and catastrophic it was only by systematically destroying all available food in the 1414 Hunger War that the Poles and Lithuanians were repulsed. In 1435 the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order suffered defeat at the battle of the Swienta River but in 1502 invaded Russia gaining half a century of peace. During the Reformation, Prussia became Protestant and in 1560, after defeat by the Russians at the Ermes, the order secularised. Its territories were divided. Changing priorities caused the failure of the Baltic Crusades. Crusading was no longer seen as a method of earning salvation or effective in the wars waged in the Baltic. [54]

Popular Crusades Edit

There were regular outbreaks of popular crusading enthusiasm from 1096 until 1514 and the Hungarian Peasants' Crusade. These Popular crusades were untypical, and their participants were unconventional crusaders. Historians describe these variously as people’s crusades, peasants’ crusades, shepherds' crusades, and crusades of the poor. With research into social memory, prophecy, crowd psychology, charismatic leadership, social dislocation, religious enthusiasm, and the place of preaching, processions, and visual culture in conveying religious ideology within medieval society, it is difficult for historians to identify common features. There is evidence of charismatic leadership up to the 14th century. Eschatology can be seen in antisemitic Judaic violence, and after 1250 a sense of election in the involuntary poor. Instead, popular crusades were diverse but shared historical circumstances with official crusades. These events demonstrate the power of crusading ideas that non-noble believers were engaged with the great events of Latin Christendom. Focusing on clerics and warrior knights underestimates the movement's significance. Early crusades such as the First, Second and Albigensian included peasants and non-combatants until the high costs of journeying by sea made participation in the Third and Fourth Crusade impossible for the general populace. The 1212 Children's Crusade was the first popular crusade beginning amongst the preaching for the Albigensian Crusade and parades seeking God's assistance for Iberian crusades. Afterwards, the professional and popular crusades diverged such as in 1309 when the Crusade of the Poor and one by the Hospitallers occurred almost simultaneously, both responding to Pope Clement V's crusading summons of the previous year. All crusades that were not preached officially were illicit and unaccompanied by papal representation. But it was not until the 1320 pastores of the Second Shepherds' Crusade that the papacy criticised a popular crusade. Frequently the language of crusading was used to describe these incidents such as iter, expeditionis en crucesignatio. The objectives were traditional, such as regaining Jerusalem or the 1251 First Shepherds' Crusade aiming to liberate Louis IX. Those who took part perceived themselves as authentic crusaders, evident in the use of pilgrimage and crusade emblems, including the cross. Victories in the Smyrniote crusades of 1344 aroused mass enthusiasm in Tuscany and Lombardy but also papal approbation. The Hungarian Peasants Crusade began as an official holy war against the Turks but became an uprising against the Hungarian nobility. [55]

Ideological development Edit

The use of violence for communal purposes was not alien to early Christians. The evolution of a Christian theology of war was inevitable when Roman citizenship became linked to Christianity and citizens were required to fight against the Empire's enemies. This was supported by the development of a doctrine of holy war dating from the works of the 4th-century theologian Augustine. Augustine maintained that an aggressive war was sinful, but acknowledged a "just war" could be rationalised if it was proclaimed by a legitimate authority such as a king or bishop, was defensive or for the recovery of lands, and without an excessive degree of violence. [56] [57] Violent acts were commonly used for dispute resolution in Western Europe, and the papacy attempted to mitigate it. [58] Historians, such as Carl Erdmann, thought the Peace and Truce of God movements restricted conflict between Christians from the 10th century the influence is apparent in Pope Urban II's speeches. Later historians, such as Marcus Bull, assert that the effectiveness was limited and it had died out by the time of the crusades. [59]

Pope Alexander II developed a system of recruitment via oaths for military resourcing that Gregory VII extended across Europe. [60] Christian conflict with Muslims on the southern peripheries of Christendom was sponsored by the Church in the 11th century, including the siege of Barbastro and fighting in Sicily [61] In 1074 Gregory VII planned a display of military power to reinforce the principle of papal sovereignty. His vision of a holy war supporting Byzantium against the Seljuks was the first crusade prototype, but lacked support. [62] Theologian Anselm of Lucca took the decisive step towards an authentic crusader ideology, stating that fighting for legitimate purposes could result in the remission of sins. [63]

Elected pope in 1198, Innocent III reshaped the ideology and practice of crusading. He emphasised crusader oaths and penitence, and clarified that the absolution of sins was a gift from God, rather than a reward for the crusaders' sufferings. Taxation to fund crusading was introduced and donation encouraged. [64] [65] In 1199 he was the first pope to deploy the conceptual and legal apparatus developed for crusading to enforce papal rights. With his 1213 bull Quia maior he appealled to all Christians, not just the nobility, offering the possibility of vow redemption without crusading. This set a precedent for trading in spiritual rewards, a practice that scandalised devout Christians and later became one of the causes of the 16th-century Protestant Reformation. [66] [67] From the 1220s crusader privileges were regularly granted to those who fought against heretics, schismatics or Christians the papacy considered non-conformist. [68] When Frederick II's army threatened Rome, Gregory IX used crusading terminology. Rome was seen as the Patrimony of Saint Peter, and canon law regarded crusades as defensive wars to protect theoretical Christian territory. [69]

Innocent IV rationalised crusading ideology on the basis of the Christians' right to ownership. He acknowledged Muslims' land ownership, but emphasised that this was subject to Christ's authority. [70] In the 16th century the rivalry between Catholic monarchs prevented anti-Protestant crusades but individual military actions were rewarded with crusader privileges, including Irish Catholic rebellions against English Protestant rule and the Spanish Armada's attack on Queen Elizabeth I and England. [71]

The crusaders' propensity to follow the customs of their Western European homelands meant that there were very few innovations developed from the culture in the crusader states. Three notable exceptions to this are the military orders, warfare and fortifications. [72] The Knights Hospitaller, formally the Order of Knights of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem, were founded in Jerusalem before the First Crusade but added a martial element to their ongoing medical functions to become a much larger military order. [73] In this way, the knighthood entered the previously monastic and ecclesiastical sphere. [74]

Military orders like the Knights Hospitaller and Knights Templar provided Latin Christendom's first professional armies to support the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the other crusader states. The Templars, formally the Poor Fellow-Soldiers of Christ and the Temple of Solomon, and their Temple of Solomon were founded around 1119 by a small band of knights who dedicated themselves to protecting pilgrims en route to Jerusalem. [75] The Hospitallers and the Templars became supranational organisations as papal support led to rich donations of land and revenue across Europe. This led to a steady flow of recruits and the wealth to maintain multiple fortifications in the crusader states. In time, they developed into autonomous powers in the region. [76] After the fall of Acre, the Hospitallers relocated to Cyprus, then conquered and ruled Rhodes (1309–1522) and Malta (1530–1798), and continue in existence to the present-day. King Philip IV of France probably had financial and political reasons to oppose the Knights Templar, which led to him exerting pressure on Pope Clement V. The pope responded in 1312, with a series of papal bulls including Vox in excelso en Ad providam that dissolved the order on the alleged and probably false grounds of sodomy, magic and heresy. [77]

At first, crusaders self-funded the arms and supplies required for their campaigns. Non-combatants probably hoped to join the retinues of the lords and knights augmenting their resources with forage and plunder. Leaders seeking to maintain armies employed many fighters as virtual mercenaries. Fleets and contingents would organise communally to share financial risk. When the nature of crusading changed with transportation shifting from land to sea, there were fewer non-combatants and systems of finance developed. Tallage was imposed on Jews, townsmen and peasants and levies on secular and ecclesiastical vassals. This developed into formal taxation, including the Saladin Tithe in 1188. By the 13th century, the papacy's taxation of the church dwarfed secular contributions. There were serious protests when this revenue was transferred to theatres other than the Holy Land, or to secular rulers for other purposes. While actual methods varied, significant improvements were made in accounting and administration, although this did not prevent resistance, delay, and diversion of funds. In time, the military orders and Italian banks replaced the Curia in the crusade banking system. Secular taxation developed from this, and with the crusades becoming entwined with dynastic politics, led to resentment. Gifts, legacies, confiscations from heretics, donations deposited in chests placed in local churches, alms, and the redemption of crusading vows provided funding. Some of these caused significant criticism, and Innocent III warned bishops to avoid extortion and bribery. Full plenary indulgences became confused with partial ones when the practice of commuting vows to crusade into monetary donations developed. [78]

Women accompanied crusade armies, supported society in the crusader states, and guarded crusaders' interests in the west. Margaret of Beverley's brother Thomas of Froidmont wrote a first-person account of her adventures, including fighting at the siege of Jerusalem in 1187, and two incidents of capture and ransom. However, women rarely feature in the surviving sources, because of the legal and social restrictions on them. Crusading was defined as a military activity, and warfare was considered a male pursuit. Women were discouraged from taking part but could not be banned from what was a form of pilgrimage. Most women in the sources are noble spouses of crusaders. [79] [80]

Sources that refer to the motivation of women indicate the same spiritual incentives, church patronage, and involvement in monastic reform and heretical movements. Female pilgrimage was popular and crusading enabled this for some women. Medieval literature illustrates unlikely romantic stereotypes of armed female warriors, while eyewitness Muslim sources recount tales of female Frankish warriors, but these are likely mocking the perceived weakness or barbarity of the enemy. Women probably fought, but chroniclers emphasised only in the absence of male warriors. Noblewomen were considered feudal lords if they had retinues of their own knights. They were often victims and regarded as booty. Lower-class women performed mundane duties such as bringing provision, encouragement, washing clothes, lice picking, grinding corn, maintaining markets for fish and vegetables, and tending the sick. They were associated with prostitution, causing concern of the perceived link between sin and military failure. Sexual relations with indigenous Muslims and Jews were regarded as a sin that would lead to divine retribution. Medieval historians emphasised the crusaders purified the Holy Places through widespread slaughter of men, women, and children. Sexual activity naturally led to pregnancy and its associated risks. Noblewomen were seldom criticised for their dutiful provision of heirs, but in the lower ranks pregnancy attracted criticism of the unmarried leading to punishment. Even the harshest of critics recognised woman were essential for a permanent Christian population, but apparently most female crusaders returned home after fulfilling their pilgrimage vows. Frankish rulers in the Levant intermarried with western European nobility, the local Armenian, and the Byzantine Christian population for political reasons. Continual warfare created a constant lack of manpower, and lands and titles were often inherited by widows and daughters who were offered in the West as favourable marriages. Bridegrooms brought entourages to secure their new domain, often causing friction with the established baronage. [81]

The women left behind were impacted in several ways. The church pledged protection of property and families, but crusaders left charters including provision for their female relatives, money, or endowments to religious houses. There were concerns regarding adultery, which meant a wife could theoretically prevent her husband from crusading. Wives were described as inhibiting crusaders, but there is little hard evidence. Patterns of intermarriage in France suggest that certain marriage alliances transmitted traditions of crusading between families, encouraging the crusade ideal through the early religious education of children and employing supportive chaplains. Popes encouraged women to donate money or sponsorship instead of crusading, in return for the same spiritual benefits. This addressed the issue of non-combatants and raised funds directly or through monastic houses, including the military orders. Charters demonstrate crusaders sold or mortgaged land to female relatives or engaged in transactions where their consent was required. Without evidence it was impossible to know whether crusaders were alive or dead, so woman in the West could not remarry for between five to 100 years. [82]

There is evidence of criticism of crusading and the behaviour of crusaders from the beginning of the movement. Although few challenged the concept in the 12th and 13th centuries, there were vociferous objections to crusades against heretics and Christian lay powers. The Fourth Crusade's attack on Constantinople and the use of resources against enemies of the church in Europe, the Albigensian heretics and Hohenstaufen, were all denounced. Troubadours ctiticised expeditions in southern France regretting the neglect of the Holy Land. The behaviour of combatants was seen as inconsistent with that expected of soldiers in a holy war. Chroniclers and preachers complained of sexual promiscuity, avarice, and overconfidence. Failures in the First Crusade, the Hattin and of entire campaigns was blamed on human sin. Gerhoh of Reichersberg connected that of the Second Crusade to the coming of the Antichrist. Remediation included penitential marches, reformation requests, prohibitions of gambling and luxuries, and limits on the number of women were attempted in. The Wurzburg Annals criticised the behaviour of the crusaders and suggested it was the devil's work. Louis IX of France’s defeat at the battle of Mansurah provoked doubt and challenge to crusading in sermons and treatises, such as Humbert of Romans's De praedicatione crucis (The preaching of the cross). The cost of armies led to taxation, an idea attacked as an unwelcome precedent by Roger Wendover, Matthew Paris and Walther von der Vogelweide. Concern was expressed of the Franciscan and Dominican friars abusing the system of vow redemption for financial gain. Some saw the peaceful conversion of Muslims as the best option, but there is no evidence that this represented public opinion and the continuation of crusading indicates the opposite. At the Second Council of Lyons in 1274, Bruno von Schauenburg, Humbert, Gilbert of Tournai and William of Tripoli produced treatises articulating the change required for success. Despite criticism, crusading appears to have maintained popular appeal with recruits continuing to take the cross from a wide geographical area. [83]

There exists greater than fifty texts in Middle English and Middle Scots from around 1225 to 1500 with Crusading themes. These were usually performed to an audience, as opposed to read, for entertainment and as propaganda for a political and religious identity, differentiating the Christian “us” and the non-Christian “other.” The works include romances, travelogues such as Mandeville’s Travels, poems such as William Langland’s Piers Plowman and John Gower’s Confessio Amantis, the Hereford Map and the works of by Geoffrey Chaucer. Many were written after crusading fervour had diminished demonstrating a continuing interest. Chivalric Christendom is depicted as victorious and superior, holding the spiritual and moral high ground. They mainly originating from translated French originals and adaptations. Some, like Guy of Warwick used the portrayal of Muslim leaders as analogies to criticise contemporary politics. Popular motifs include chivalrous Christian knights seeking adventure and fighting Muslim giants or a king traveling in disguise such as Charlemagne in the Scots Taill of Rauf Coilyear. In crusading literature legendary figures are endowed with military and moral authority with Charlemagne portrayed as a role model, famed for his victories over the pagan Saxons and Vikings, his religious fervour marked by forced conversion. The entertainment aspect plays a vital role encouraging an element of “Saracen bashing”. The literature demonstrates populist religious hatred and bigotry, in part because Muslims and Christians were economic, political, military, and religious rivals while exhibiting a popular curiosity about and fascination with the "Saracens". [84]

For recruitment purposes, Popes marked the initiation of each crusade by public preaching of its aims, spiritual values and justifications. Preaching could be authorised and unofficial. The news cascaded through the church hierarchy in writing in a Papal bull, although this system was not always reliable because of conflicts among clerics, local political concerns and lack of education. From the 12th century, the Cistercian Order was used for propaganda campaigns the Dominicans and Franciscans followed in the 13th century. Mendicant friars and papal legates targeted geographies. After 1200, this sophisticated propaganda system was a prerequisite for the success of multiple concurrent crusades. The message varied, but the aims of papal control of the toll of crusading remained. Holy Land crusades were preached across Europe, but smaller ventures such as the Northern and Italian crusades were preached only locally to avoid conflict in recruitment. Papal authority was critical for the effectiveness of the indulgence and the validity of vow redemptions. Aristocratic culture, family networks and feudal hierarchies spread informal propaganda, often by word of mouth. Courts and tournaments were arenas where stories, songs, poems, news, and information about crusades were spread. Songs of the crusades became increasingly popular, although some troubadours were hostile after the Albigensian Crusade. Chivalric virtues of heroism, leadership, martial prowess, and religious fervour were exemplars. Visual representations in books, churches and palaces served the same purpose. Themes were expanded in church art and architecture in the form of murals, stained glass windows, and sculptures. This can be seen in the windows at the abbey of Saint-Denis, many churches modelled on the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, or murals commissioned by Henry III of England. [85]

The Kingdom of Jerusalem was the first experiment in European colonialism, setting up the Outremer as a "Europe Overseas". The raising, transportation, and supply of large armies led to a flourishing trade between Europe and the Outremer. The Italian city-states of Genoa and Venice flourished, planting profitable trading colonies in the eastern Mediterranean. [86] The crusades consolidated the papal leadership of the Latin Church, reinforcing the link between Western Christendom, feudalism, and militarism, and increased the tolerance of the clergy for violence. [77] Muslim libraries contained classical Greek and Roman texts that allowed Europe to rediscover pre-Christian philosophy, science and medicine. [87] The growth of the system of indulgences became a catalyst for the Reformation in the early 16th century. [88] The crusades also had a role in the formation and institutionalisation of the military and the Dominican orders as well as of the Medieval Inquisition. [89]

The behaviour of the crusaders in the eastern Mediterranean area appalled the Greeks and Muslims, creating a lasting barrier between the Latin world and the Islamic and Orthodox religions. This became an obstacle to the reunification of the Christian church and fostered a perception of Westerners as defeated aggressors. [77] Many historians argue that the interaction between the western Christian and Islamic cultures played a significant, ultimately positive, part in the development of European civilisation and the Renaissance. [90] Relations between Europeans and the Islamic world stretched across the entire length of the Mediterranean Sea, leading to an improved perception of Islamic culture in the West. But this broad area of interaction also makes it difficult for historians to identify the specific sources of cultural cross-fertilisation. [91]

Historical parallelism and the tradition of drawing inspiration from the Middle Ages, have become keystones of political Islam encouraging ideas of a modern jihad and long struggle, while secular Arab nationalism highlights the role of Western imperialism. [92] Muslim thinkers, politicians and historians have drawn parallels between the crusades and modern political developments such as the mandates given to govern Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, and Israel by the United Nations. [93] Right-wing circles in the Western world have drawn opposing parallels, considering Christianity to be under an Islamic religious and demographic threat that is analogous to the situation at the time of the crusades. Crusader symbols and anti-Islamic rhetoric are presented as an appropriate response, even if only for propaganda. These symbols and rhetoric are used to provide a religious justification and inspiration for a struggle against a religious enemy. [94] Some historians, like Thomas F. Madden, argue that modern tensions result from a constructed view of the crusades created by colonial powers in the 19th century and transmitted into Arab nationalism. For him, the crusades are a medieval phenomenon in which the crusaders were engaged in a defensive war on behalf of their co-religionists. [95]

Accounts of the First Crusade and the decade following the taking of Jerusalem in 1099 began the description and interpretation of crusading. From the early 12th century, the image and morality of earlier expeditions propagandised new campaigns. [96] The initial understanding of the crusades was based on a limited set of interrelated texts. Possibly dating from 1099, the most notable is Gesta Francorum ("exploits of the Franks") that created a papalist, northern French and Benedictine template for later works. These had a degree of martial advocacy that attributed both success and failure to God's will. [97] Vernacular adventure stories based on the work of Albert of Aachen challenged the clerical view. By 1200, the historian William of Tyre completed his Historia through which he expanded on Albert's writing describing the warrior state the Outremer became as a result of the tension between the providential and secular. [98] The main interest of medieval crusade historiography remained in presenting moralistic lessons rather than information, extolling the crusades as moral exemplars and cultural norms. [99]

By the 15th century, political concerns provoked self-interested polemics that mixed the legendary and evidential past. It was through humanist scholarship and theological hostility that an independent historiography emerged. The rise of the Ottoman Turks, the French Wars of Religion, and the Protestant Reformation in the 16th century encouraged the study of the crusades. Traditionalist wars of the cross presented military, spiritually penitent and redemptive solutions while also being examples of papist superstition and corruption of religion. The crusades provided evidence for the English martyrologist John Foxe in his 1566 History of the Turks of papal idolatry and profanation. He blamed the sins of the Roman church for the failure of the crusades. War against the infidel was laudable, but crusading based on doctrines of papal power and indulgences was not. This was true when directed against Christian religious dissidents, such as the Albigensian and Waldensians. Some Roman Catholic writers considered the crusades gave precedents for dealing with heretics. Both strands thought the crusaders were sincere and were increasingly uneasy in considering war a religious exercise instead of for territory. This secularisation was based on juristic ideas of just war that Lutherans, Calvinists and Roman Catholics could all subscribe. Roman Catholics diminished the role of Indulgences in tracts on the wars against the Turks. Alberico Gentili and Hugo Grotius developed secular international laws of war that discounted religion as a legitimate cause in contrast to popes, who persisted in issuing crusade bulls for generations. [100]

Lutheran scholar Matthaus Dresser developed Foxe's work. The crusaders were credulous, misled by popes and profane monks, with conflicting temporal and spiritual motivation. Papal policy mixed with self-interest and the ecclesiastical manipulation of popular piety. He emphasised the great deeds by those who could be considered as German such as Godfrey of Bouillon. [101] Crusaders were lauded for their faith, but Urban II's motivation was associated with conflict with German Emperor Henry IV. Crusading was flawed, and ideas of restoring the physical Holy Places "detestable superstition". [102] Pasquier highlighted the failures of the crusades and the damage that religious conflict had inflicted on France and the church. He lists victims of papal aggression, sale of indulgences, church abuses, corruption, and conflicts at home. [103] Dresser's nationalist view enabled the creation by non–Roman Catholic scholars of a wider cultural bridge between the papist past and Protestant future. This formed a sense of national identity for secular Europeans across the confessional divide. Dresser's colleague Reinier Reineck worked at editing crusade texts, especially of Albert of Aachen. More importantly, the French Calvinist diplomat Jacques Bongars's Gesta Dei per Francos ("Deeds of God through the Franks") included all the main narrative sources for the First and the Fifth Crusades, the chronicle of William of Tyre, Marino Sanudo Torsello's Secreta Fidelium Crucis ("secrets of the faithful cross") and Pierre Dubois's De recuperatione Terrae Sanctae ("recovery of the Holy Land"). These textual scholars established two dominant themes for crusade historiography which were intellectual or religious disdain and national or cultural admiration. Crusading now had only a technical impact on contemporary wars but provided imagery of noble and lost causes such as William Shakespeare's Henry IV, Part II and Torquato Tasso's reinvention of Godfrey of Bouillon and the First Crusade in Gerusalemme liberate as a romance of love, magic, valour, loyalty, honour, and chivalry. In the 17th century Thomas Fuller maintained moral and religious disapproval in his History of the Holy Warre, and Louis Maimbourg's Histoire des Croisades (history of the Crusades) embodied national pride. Both took crusading beyond the judgment of religion, and this secularised vision increasingly depicted crusades in good stories or as edifying or repulsive models of the distant past. [104]

18th century Age of Enlightenment philosopher historians narrowed the chronological and geographical scope to the Levant and the Outremer between 1095 and 1291. Some attempted to number crusades at eight while others such as Georg Christoph Muller counted five large expeditions that reached the eastern Mediterranean—1096–1099, 1147–1149,1189–1192, 1217–1229 and 1248–1254. In the absence of an Ottoman threat, foremost influential writers such as Denis Diderot, Voltaire, David Hume and Edward Gibbon considered crusading in terms of anticlericalism with disdain for the apparent ignorance, fanaticism, and violence. [105] They used crusading as a conceptual tool to critique religion, civilisation and cultural mores. For them, the positive effects of crusading, such as the increasing liberty that municipalities could purchase from feudal lords, were only by-products. 19th century crusade enthusiasts then criticised this view as being unnecessarily hostile to, and ignorant of, the crusades. [106] No orthodoxy developed. Voltaire in Essai sur les mœurs et l'esprit des nations (Essay on the Manners and Spirit of Nations) showed admiration for individual action. Gibbon presented heroism as a cultural norm that if freed of religion would offer advantage to the West, in his Verval en val van die Romeinse Ryk. He also contrasted Byzantium's cultural decadence with the vigorous brutality of the crusaders and Muslims. Following Joseph de Guignes's Histoire des Huns ("history of the Huns") the ideas developed that crusading opened new markets for Western trade, manufacture, and technology. This foreshadowed the later ideas of the conflict between Christianity and Islam being in terms of "the World's Debate". Gibbon's contemporaries considered the West won the debate, not Christianity. As fear of the Ottomans subsided, a patronising orientalism developed. Interest was now on the cultural values, motives and behaviour of the crusaders as opposed to their failure. Napoleon's Egypt and Syria campaign from 1798 to –1799 increased the predominately French view that the prime concern of the crusades was the Holy Land. . [107] Alternatively, Claude Fleury and Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz proposed the crusades were one stage in the improvement of European Civilisation that paradigm was further developed by Rationalists. [108] In France, the idea that the crusades were an important part of national history and identity continued to evolve. In academic circles the phrase "Holy War" was the main descriptor, but the more neutral terms kreuzzug from German and the French croisade became established. The word "crusade" entered the English language in the 18th century as a hybrid from Spanish, French and Latin. [109] Gibbon followed Thomas Fuller in dismissing the concept that the crusades were a legitimate defence as they were disproportionate to the threat presented. Palestine was an objective, not because of reason but because of fanaticism and superstition. [110]

Increasingly positive views of the Middle Ages developed in the 19th century. One example was Frederick Wilken's History of the Crusades, written between 1807 to 1832, which pioneered the use of Eastern sources. A fascination in chivalry developed to support the moral, religious, and cultural mores of the establishment. William Robertson expanded on Fleury in a new, empirical, objective approach placing crusading in a narrative of progress towards modernity. His work elaborates the cultural consequences of the growth in trade, the rise of the Italian cities and progress. In this he influenced his student Walter Scott, [111] whose novels Ivanhoe, in 1819 and The Talisman, in 1825, along with Charles Mills' 1820 work History of the Crusades demonstrated admiration of crusading ideology and violence. Protestant writers such as Henry Stebbings remained critical, but in a world of unsettling change and rapid industrialisation nostalgics, escapist apologists and popular historians developed a positive view of crusading. [107]

Heinrich von Syble revolutionised academic study of the crusades with his 1837 Geschichte des ersten Kreuzzuges <"history of the first crusade">developing the ideas of his tutor Leopold von Ranke that William of Tyre's accounts were a secondary source. He used close textual analysis to reveal different narratives and argued that sources were transmitters of varied stories and legends, not objective fact. Between 1841 and 1906 in France, the main Western texts, as well as Arabic and Armenian texts, were edited in the Recueil des historiens des croisades (Collection of the Historians of the Crusades). New areas of research were explored:

    on the Hospitallers on Latin Cyprus
  • Paul Riant on narrative sources for the Fourth and Fifth Crusades
  • Gustave Schlumberger on coins and seals of the Latin East
  • Camille Enlart on crusader castles. [112]

After 1815 and in the absence of widespread warfare, 19th century Europe created a cult of war based on the crusades, linked to political polemic and national identities. After World War I crusading no longer received the same positive responses war was now sometimes necessary but not good, sanctified, or redemptive. [112] Michaud's viewpoint provoked Muslim attitudes. The crusades had aroused little interest among Islamic and Arabic scholars until the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the penetration of European power. The first modern Muslim account using medieval Islamic sources was the Egyptian Sayyid 'Ali al-Hariri's 1899 Splendid Accounts in the Crusading Wars. The first modern Islamic biography of Saladin was by the Turkish Namik Kemal in 1872. This directly challenged the Michaud view. This began a theme in Islamic discourse based on an acceptance of Michaud representing a typical Western opinion. [113] In the late 19th century, Arabic-speaking Syrian Christians began translating French histories into Arabic, leading to the replacement of the term "wars of the Ifranj"—Franks—with al-hurub al Salabiyya—wars of the Cross. Namık Kemal published the first modern Saladin biography in 1872. The Jerusalem visit in 1898 of Kaiser Wilhelm prompted further interest, with Sayyid Ali al-Hariri producing the first Arabic history of the crusades. [92]

Originally planned in the early 1950s, the Wisconsin project under the general editorship of Kenneth Setton has suffered from doubt on coherence grounds after an explosion of new research. Israeli Joshua Prawer and Frenchman Jean Richard reshaped the historiography of the Latin East by re-examining legal practices and institutions. This created a new constitutional history that replaced ideas of the Latin East being a model feudal world. The 1969 to 1970 Histoire du royaume Latin de Jerusalem ("history of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem") revisited the views of the Latin settlements in the East being proto colonies. In 1972's The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem: European Colonialism in the Middle Ages Prawer argued that, unlike the state of Israel, Frankish settlement was too limited to be permanent and the Franks did not engage with the local culture or environment. R.C. Smail supported this in an influential 1956 work on crusader warfare. This model directly challenged Madelin and Grousset. In turn Ronnie Ellenblum's 1998 Frankish Rural Settlement in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem modifies Prawar's model with more extensive rural Latin settlement. [114]

Claude Cahen in 1940's La Syrie du Nord a l'epoque des croisades ("Northern Syria at the time of the Crusades") established the study of the Latin settlements as features of Near Eastern history detached from the West. However, Hans Eberhard Mayer in 1965's Geschichte der Kreuzzuge ("history of the Crusades") questioned the definition of crusading. Jonathan Riley-Smith straddles the two schools on the actions and motives of early crusaders. The definition of the crusade remains contentious. Riley-Smith's view that "everyone accepted that the crusades to the East were the most prestigious and provided the scale against which the others were measured" is largely accepted. There is disagreement whether it is only those campaigns launched to recover or protect Jerusalem that are proper crusades e.g. Mayer and Jean Flori. or whether all those wars to which popes applied equivalent temporal and spiritual were equally legitimate e.g. Riley-Smith and Norman Housley. These arguments do not place what was only a coherent paradigm around 1200 in the context of Medieval Christian holy war, as argued by John Gilchrist that Crusading was result an ecclesiastical initiative but a submission by the church to secular militarism and militancy completed only in the early 13th century. Today, Crusade historians study the Baltic, the Mediterranean, the Near East, even the Atlantic, and crusading's position in, and derivation, from host and victim societies. Chronological horizons have crusades existing into the early modern world e.g. the survival of the Order of St. John on Malta until 1798. [115]

Academic study of crusading in the West has integrated into mainstream study of theology, the Church, law, popular religion, aristocratic society and values, and politics. The Muslim context now receives attention from Islamicists such as Peter M. Holt, Robert Irwin, and Carole Hillenbrand. The disdain of Runciman has been replaced by attempts to locate crusading within its social, cultural, intellectual, economic, and political context. Crusader historians employ wider ranges of evidence, including charters, archaeology, and the visual arts, to supplement chronicles and letters. Local studies have lent precision as well as diversity. [115]


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