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Edik van Amboise, 18 Maart 1563


Edik van Amboise, 18 Maart 1563

Die Edik van Amboise (18 Maart 1563) beëindig die Eerste Godsdiensoorlog (1562-63) en verleen aan die Hugenote wettige verdraagsaamheid en 'n beperkte reg om te preek op streng beperkte plekke.

Die bevel is baie vinnig ooreengekom in die eerste deel van Maart 1563. Op 18 Februarie is die hertog van Boise dodelik gewond tydens die beleg van Orleans en sterf op 24 Februarie. Dit het beteken dat drie van die oorspronklike vier Katolieke leiers in die oorlog dood was, en die vierde, hertog Anne van Montmorency, was 'n gevangene. Net so was die senior Hugenote -leier, Louis van Condé, 'n gevangene. Op 8 Maart is albei mans vrygelaat, en vredesonderhandelinge is gereël deur Catherine de Medici. Vredevoorwaardes is baie vinnig ooreengekom en uitgereik as die Edik van Amboise.

Onder die voorskrifte van die Edik van Amboise is Hugenote toegelaat in dorpe waar dit op 7 Maart 1563 was, afgesien van Parys, waar dit onwettig gebly het. Boonop sou die koning een stad in elke borgtog in Frankryk kies waar die Hugenote in een voorstad toegelaat sou word, alle here wat die geringe in lae of gemene geregtigheid gehou het, sou in hul eie huise prediking kon hê en alle edeles wat met hoë geregtigheid fiefs gehou het sou kon preek oor hul boedels. Elke individu het gewetensvryheid in sy eie huis gegee, selfs in dorpe waar openbare Hugenote -aanbidding verbied is.

Die edik was minder vrygewig as die edik van Januarie 1562. In die vroeëre edik kon die Hugenote gedurende dagligure oral op die platteland preek, maar nou was dit beperk tot 'n beperkte aantal voorstede en die landgoedere van protestantse edeles.

Boonop sou alle besittings wat van die een of ander kerk gekonfiskeer was, herstel word en alle godsdienstige of krygsgevangenes vrygelaat moes word.

Dit het 'n rukkie geneem voordat die vrede bekragtig is. Die parlement van Parys het aanvanklik geweier, net soos Rouen, Dijon en Toulouse, maar uiteindelik is die verdrag algemeen aanvaar en vier jaar van vrede het gevolg.


Sameswering van Amboise

Ons redakteurs gaan na wat u ingedien het, en bepaal of hulle die artikel moet hersien.

Sameswering van Amboise, aborsiewe komplot van jong Franse Hugenote -aristokrate in 1560 teen die Katolieke Huis van Guise.

By die toetreding van die 14-jarige Francis II tot die Franse troon in 1559, het die Guise-familie aansien in die regering gekry, wat vyandskap onder die kleiner adel geskep het. 'N Sameswering om hul regering omver te werp, is gevorm in Nantes, met 'n behoeftige Périgord -edelman met die naam La Renaudie as sy hoof, hoewel die ontsteltenis in die eerste plek deur die agente van Louis I de Bourbon, prins de Condé, aangemoedig is. Die Guises is gewaarsku oor die sameswering terwyl die hof in Blois was, en vir groter veiligheid het hulle die koning na Amboise geneem. La Renaudie het egter net sy planne uitgestel, en die samesweerders het in klein partytjies in die bos rondom Amboise vergader. Hulle is egter weer verraai, en baie van hulle is omring en gevange geneem voordat die staatsgreep op 19 Maart 1560 gelewer kon word, en La Renaudie en die res van die samesweerders het die kasteel van Amboise openlik aangeval. Hulle is afgeweer, La Renaudie is dood en 'n groot aantal is gevange geneem.

The Guises het genadelose wraak uitgeoefen. 'N Week lank het die marteling, kwartierings en hangmateriaal voortgeduur, terwyl die lyke in die Loire gegooi is. Die Guises het verder 'n spesiale kommissie byeengeroep om Condé, wat ter dood veroordeel is, te verhoor, maar die saak is deur die kanselier uitgestel, en die dood van Francis II in Desember het Condé gered.


Die kasteel van Amboise ten tyde van die gebeure.


'N Groep provinsiale aristokrate het besluit om die saak in eie hande te neem deur die koning te ontvoer en die broers Guise in hegtenis te neem. Die belangrikste onder die samesweerders was Godefroy de Barry, seigneur de La Renaudie, van Périgord.

La Renaudie versamel om hom eendersdenkende Hugenote-here wat verskillende streke van Frankryk verteenwoordig: Charles de Castelnau de Chalosse, Bouchard d'Aubeterre, Edme de Ferrière-Maligny, kapteins Mazères, Cañizares, Sainte-Marie en Lignières, Jean d'Aubigné (vader van Agrippa d'Aubigné) en Ardoin de Porcelet. Paulon de Mauvans, wie se broer tereggestel is, het die Hugenote van Provence bymekaargekom in Mérindol, 12 Februarie 1560, belowe 2 000 man en stuur 100 na Nantes. Ώ ] Gaspard de Coligny, later ook 'n leidende Hugenoot, het die edeles van Normandië ontmoedig om hulle by die plot te betrek. Vooraanstaande Protestant burgerlik van Orléans, Tours en Lyon was op hoogte van verwikkelinge.

Onder die omstandighede het al meer spesifieke gerugte van die komplot die kardinaal van Lorraine vroegtydig bereik. Op 12 Februarie is 'n gedetailleerde verslag ontvang deur Pierre des Avenelles, 'n advokaat van Parys. Op die 22ste besluit die Guises om die koning en die hof van Blois na die kasteel van Amboise, 'n meer verdedigbare plek, oor te plaas, en versterk die kasteel se verdediging.

Die samesweerders het hul plan van aksie van 1 Maart tot die 16de vertraag, maar die eerste van die plotters se kontingente het vroeg in die dorp aangekom en is stil van 10 Maart af gearresteer.


Gebeurtenisse

Die Romeinse keiser verklaar dat kinders wat aan die kerk oorgelaat is, nie herwin mag word nie. 'N Biskop se handtekening is nodig om te sien dat die kerk die kind opgeneem het.

Gesag vir die datum: Wisconsin Lutheran College, Imperial Laws en Lett

In opdrag van 'n meerdere preek Anthony van Padua (Fernando de Bouillon) sy eerste, kragtige preek, die vrug van baie besinning.

Gesag vir die datum: Stoddard, Charles Warren. Die wonderwerker van Padua. Notre Dame, IN: The Ave Maria, 1896.

Die Edik van Amboise verleen noue toestemming vir die uitoefening van die Protestantse godsdiens in Frankryk.

Gesag vir die datum: Groot mans en beroemde vroue.

William Allen, uitgeweke hoof van Engeland en rsquos Rooms -Katolieke, vermaan koning Filips II van Spanje per brief om 'n inval in Engeland te onderneem en verklaar dat die Katolieke daar 'n beroep op hom doen om koningin Elizabeth te straf, en deur God en die mens gedwing word. & Rdquo

Gesag vir die datum: & ldquoAllen, William. & Rdquo The Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church. www.fiu.edu/

Sophia Olelkovich Raziwell is dood, die laaste afstammeling van die Olelkovich-Slutsk-dinastie. Sy was passievol vir Ortodoksie en het geweier om hom tot Katolisisme te bekeer en het 'n wet verkry wat grondeienaars van die streek (die huidige Wit-Rusland) toelaat om Ortodoks te bly. As gevolg van haar pogings, sal die streek rondom Slutsk 'n bastion van Ortodoksie word, en in 1983 word sy heilig verklaar deur die Ortodokse Kerk.

Gesag vir die datum: http://womenshistory.about.com/

Die dood in Helmstadt, Duitsland, van Georg Calixtus wat in die sewentiende eeu die invloedrykste oortreder van Melanchthon & rsquos Lutherse teologie was.

Gesag vir die datum: Schaff, Philip. Die Schaff-Herzog-ensiklopedie van godsdienstige kennis.

Die dood in Longleat, Engeland, van Thomas Ken, opmerklik in sy generasie as een van sewe biskoppe wat na die Tower of London gestuur is omdat hy geweier het om King James II & rsquos Declaration of Indulgence te publiseer. Hy sal deur die daaropvolgende geslagte onthou word as die skrywer van die doksologie & ldquoPrys God van wie alle seëninge vloei. & Rdquo

Gesag vir die datum: http://www.hymnary.org/person/Ken_Thomas

Philip Doddridge word aangestel as 'n nie -konformistiese minister in Engeland. Sy boek The Rise and Progress of Religion in the Soul sal invloedryk wees in die omskakeling van die Engelse staatsman William Wilberforce en vele ander tot die evangeliese Christendom.

Gesag vir die datum: Hatfield, Edwin. Die digters van die kerk. New York: Anson Randolph & amp Company, 1884.

Henry Nott en mede -sendelinge hou die eerste Christelike diens wat ooit in Tahiti gehou is. Die vergadering vind plaas onder die dekking van 'n paar enorme bome met die koning van Tahiti en baie ander Tahitiërs teenwoordig.

Gesag vir die datum: Harrison, Eugene Myers. & quotHerald of the Love of God in Tahiti. & quot Giants of the Missionary Trail.

In Wene vind die eerste openbare uitvoering van Franz Joseph Haydn & rsquos oratorio Creation plaas. Kaartjies is lank voor die tyd uitverkoop. 'N Openbare repetisie en 'n privaat optrede vir die elite het amper 'n jaar tevore ook in Wene plaasgevind.

Gesag vir die datum: Standaard ensiklopedieë.

Die Amerikaanse digter William Cullen Bryant skryf sy Kersgesang & ldquoLook from Thy Sphere of Endless Day & rdquo vir die vyftigjarige herdenking van die Church of the Messiah in Boston.

Gesag vir die datum: Wells, Amos R. 'n Tesourie van gesangverhale. Baker, 1992.

Dood in Racine, Wisconsin, van James De Koven, 'n biskoplike priester en 'n leier van die Anglikaanse ritualisme.

Gesag vir die datum: Pous, William C. Lewe van eerwaarde James de Koven. http://anglicanhistory.org/bios/dekoven/dekoven8.html

Charles Harrison Mason beleef die doop van die Heilige Gees en spreek in tale. As Afro-Amerikaner word hy stigter en hoof van die Church of God in Christ, Inc.

Gesag vir die datum: Biographical Dictionary of Evangelicals.

In die ensikliese Divini redemptoris verklaar Pous Pius XI & ldquoDaar sou vandag nie sosialisme of kommunisme wees as die heersers van die nasies nie die leerstellings en materiële waarskuwings van die Kerk verag het nie. & Rdquo

Gesag vir die datum: Divini redemptoris. www.vatican.va.

Lithuniërs stig The Chronicle, 'n ondergrondse koerant, om Sowjet -wreedheid teenoor Katolieke Christene bloot te lê.

Gesag vir die datum: Kroniek van die Katolieke Kerk in Litaue. Brooklyn, New York.

Na die bekendmaking van 'n seksuele skakeling in 1980 met die kerksekretaris Jessica Hahn, tree Jim Bakker uit as hoof van die PTL -bediening. Hy sal later tronk toe gaan op aanklag van finansiële bedrog.


Onderwerpe soortgelyk aan of soos Edict of Saint-Germain

Die Onluste van Toulouse in 1562 is 'n reeks gebeurtenisse (wat meestal binne 'n week plaasvind) wat lede van die Gereformeerde Kerk van Frankryk (dikwels Hugenote genoem) teen lede van die Rooms -Katolieke Kerk getref het in gewelddadige botsings wat eindig met die dood van tussen 3 000–5 000 burgers van die Franse stad Toulouse. Hierdie gebeurtenisse toon die spanning wat tydens die Franse godsdiensoorloë binnekort in volle burgeroorlog sou ontplof. Wikipedia

Die Franse godsdiensoorloë was 'n lang tydperk van oorlog en volksonrus tussen Katolieke en Hugenote (Gereformeerde/Calvinistiese Protestante) in die Koninkryk Frankryk tussen 1562 en 1598. Na raming het drie miljoen mense in hierdie tydperk omgekom weens geweld, hongersnood of siektes. in wat beskou word as die tweede dodelikste godsdiensoorlog in die Europese geskiedenis. Wikipedia

Die moord op die hertog van Guise deur die Hugenoot Jean de Poltrot by die beleg van Orléans in 1563 verteenwoordig 'n kritieke keerpunt in die Franse godsdiensoorloë. Dit sou die eerste groot sluipmoord wees in 'n bloedstryd tussen die verskillende aristokratiese huise wat die dood van Louis, prins van Condé en die St. Bartholomew 's Day bloedbad sou volg. Wikipedia

Die moord op Hugenote -aanbidders en burgers in 'n gewapende optrede deur troepe van Francis, Hertog van Guise, in Wassy, ​​Frankryk, op 1 Maart 1562. Geïdentifiseer as die eerste groot gebeurtenis in die Franse godsdiensoorloë. Wikipedia


Renaissance vleuel

Charles VIII se opvolger, Louis XII, het die Renaissance -vleuel reghoekig met die Gotiese vleuel gebou.

François I was baie lief vir die Amboise -kasteel en het 'n boonste verdieping by die Renaissance -vleuel gevoeg.

Die groot beskermheer van die Franse Renaissance het inderdaad sy jeug deurgebring en daar gewoon gedurende die eerste vyf jaar van sy bewind.

Die charismatiese koning was 'n man van plesier, weelde en skoonheid en het prestige gebring aan Amboise, waar hy uitbundige feeste gehou het.

Die Beskermer van Kuns en Lettere en 'n kundige en verfynde man, François I, het sy lewe deurgebring omring deur die beste geeste van sy era.

Daarom het hy Leonardo da Vinci genooi om na die nabygeleë Clos Luçé te verhuis.

Die koning het die ou kunstenaar gereeld besoek deur 'n geheime gang te gebruik wat die kasteel met Le Clos Luçé verbind.

Lodewyk XIII het die kasteel aan sy broer, Gaston d ’Orléans, nagelaat wat die grootste deel van sy lewe spandeer het teen sy eie broer!

As vergelding het die koning sy troepe gestuur wat op die kasteel geskiet het en ongelukkig die skanse vernietig het!

Amboise -kasteel keer uiteindelik terug na die Franse kroon.

In die vroeë 19de eeu het Napoleon I Amboise nagelaat aan die geldlose Roger Ducros, 'n lid van die Directory -regering, wat dit in 'n steengroef verander het!

Al wat dus van die kasteel oorbly, is die Logis du Roi, Gotiese en Renaissance -vlerke, Besoek Heurtault op die skans en Chapelle St-Hubert.

Die privaat woonstelle op die boonste verdieping van die Renaissance-vleuel is later in Empire-styl vir Louis-Philippe opgeknap.

Tuine en terrasse is aangelê op die terrein van die voormalige geboue.

Hulle spog met uitstekende uitsigte oor die Loire en die dakke van die middeleeuse stad.

Daar word gesê dat die Flamboyant Gothic Chapelle St-Hubert, wat in 1491 vir Ann van Bretagne gebou is, die graf van Leonardo da Vinci beskut.

Amboise Castle behoort aan die St-Louis Foundation, 'n trust wat deur die graaf van Parys gestig is om die Franse nasionale erfenis te bewaar.

Departement Indre-et-Loire
Koördinate: Lat 47.413336 – Long 0.985551

Foto's via Wikimedia Commons: Kasteel gesien vanaf die brug – Renaissance-kaggel – Kasteel voor 1579 – Chapelle Saint-Hubert CC BY-SA 3.0

Inhoud

Die stad is bekend vir die Clos Lucé -herenhuis waar Leonardo da Vinci gewoon het (en uiteindelik gesterf het) op uitnodiging van koning Frans I van Frankryk, wie se Château d'Amboise, wat die stad oorheers, net 500 m geleë is ) weg. Die smal strate bevat 'n paar goeie voorbeelde van houtbehuising.

Net buite die stad is die Pagode de Chanteloup, 'n 441 meter lange Chinese pagode wat in 1775 deur die hertog van Choiseul gebou is. Die Pagoda is sewe vlakke hoog, met elke vlak effens kleiner as die laaste een. 'N Binnetrap om alle vlakke te bereik, is oop vir die publiek.

Die Musée de la Poste (in die Hôtel Joyeuse) is 'n museum wat die geskiedenis van die posafleweringsdiens opspoor.

'N Fontein van die 19de eeu deur John Oswald van 'n skilpad bo-op 'n teddiebeerfiguur, voor die plek waar die markte gehou word.

Op die oewer van die Loire -rivier


Edik van Amboise, 18 Maart 1563 - Geskiedenis


Sedert die skielike dood van koning HENRI II., In Frankryk, het twee edele faksies twis gehad oor politieke invloed, aangesien die Guise -faksie gekies het vir radikale katolisisme, die kompromislose implementering van die Tridentynse hervorming, die ander faksie Calvinisme, het die aangeleentheid die karakter aanneem van 'n godsdienstige (konfessionele) konflik. In 1560 het koning FRANCIS II. gesterf het, opgevolg deur sy broer CHARLES IX., 'n kind van tien wat sy ma CATHERINE DE MEDICI probeer koninklike beheer herstel het, het haar volgelinge die derde faksie gevorm, matig Katoliek, maar nie toegewyd aan die Tridentine -teenhervorming nie.

Op Maart 1562 beveel Duke FRANCIS DE GUISE, leier van die radikale Katolieke party, die MASSAKER VAN VASSIE, die moord op ongewapende Hugenote wat destyds godsdiens bygewoon het. Die gebeurtenis is die begin van die Eerste Hugenote -oorlog. Op 16 Maart gaan hertog Francis Parys triomfantlik binne. Catherine de Medici het saam met die hertog de Guise die Hugenote -party 'n alliansie aangegaan met Engeland (September). Orleans, wat deur die Hugenote gehou word, is beleër. Op 19 Desember is die Hugenote -leër, onder leiding van CONDE en COLIGNY, verslaan deur hertog Francis, MONTMORENCY en hul Katolieke magte in die BATTLE OF DREUX. Op 24 Februarie 1563 sterf hertog Francis aan sy wonde. Die VERDRAG VAN AMBOISE van 19 Maart 1563 het die oorlog beëindig en die Hugenote godsdienstige verdraagsaamheid in hul vestings verleen.


L'H Ô PITAL (L'HOSPITAL), MICHEL DE

Franse staatsman en voorstander van godsdienstige verdraagsaamheid b. Auvergne, naby Aigueperse, 1507 o. Vignay, 13 Maart 1573. Sy vader was 'n geneesheer en het ook as rekeningkundige vir Karel van Bourbon gedien. Sy vroeë opvoeding was in Toulouse totdat hy in 1523 uit Frankryk moes vlug. Ses jaar studeer hy regte in Padua, waarna hy by sy vader in Rome aansluit, waar hy as ouditeur van die rota dien. Toe hy in 1534 na Frankryk terugkeer, beoefen hy regte, en hy trou in 1537. L'H ô pital word aangestel as berader van die Parlement van 1537 tot 1547. In 1547 stuur Henry II hom na Bologna as sy verteenwoordiger die eerste sitting van die Council of Trent. L'H ô pital het in 1548 na Frankryk teruggekeer en kanselier geword vir prinses Margaret, die suster van die koning. In 1553 word hy aangestel as meester van versoeke en in 1554 president van die Chambre des Comptes. In 1557 word hy lid van die privaatraad. Hy bereik die hoogtepunt van sy loopbaan toe hy deur die invloed van catherine de m É dicis aangestel is as kanselier van Frankryk (1560). Hy het in hierdie posisie gedien tydens 'n tydperk van godsdienstige twis in Frankryk oor die opkoms van die Hugenote.

Godsdiensoorloë. In 1561 verskyn hy voor 'n vergadering van die State-Generaal om 'n beroep op groter verdraagsaamheid. Die gevolg was die inwerkingtreding van die Edik van Orl é ans (1561) en die Edik van Januarie 1562, wat verbeterde toestande vir die Hugenote gebied het. 'N Slagting van Hugenote deur soldate van Francis, die hertog van Guise, het in Maart 1562 plaasgevind. Uit protes het L'H ô pital teruggetrek na sy boedels in Vignay totdat die burgerstryd beëindig is deur die Edik van Amboise (Maart 1563), wat die regte van die Hugenote beskerm het. By sy terugkeer na die hof het L'H ô pital onderneem om die regering van Catherine de M é dicis te versterk. Op sy voorneme het die koninklike raad geweier om die handelinge van die Raad van Trent te publiseer vanweë hul konflik met die Gallikaanse vryhede van die Franse Kerk. Hy ondersteun die standpunt van die gematigde Katolieke party in teenstelling met die regse Guise -posisie. In 1566 verkry hy die aanneming van die Ordonnansie van Moulin, wat voorsiening maak vir hervorming van die regbank. Geen verdere hervormings was moontlik sedert godsdienstige vyandighede in 1567 weer uitgebreek het en die invloed van L'H ô pital begin afneem het. Catherine de M é dicis het hom die skuld gegee vir beleid van matigheid wat sy gesteun het, maar wat volgens sy kritici verantwoordelik was vir die toenemende godsdienstige twis. Toe die tweede fase van die godsdiensoorloë begin, het die kritiek op sy beleid toegeneem. Die kardinaal van Lorraine, die hertog van Alva, en ander beskuldig hom dat hy die Hugenote ondersteun het. In 1568 moes hy as gevolg van pouslike druk sy pos as bewaarder van die seëls bedank. In ruil daarvoor het die pouslike Curia beheer oor sekere kerkeiendom aan die Franse regering oorgedra. Kort hierna onttrek L'H ô pital aan die openbare lewe, met die oortuiging dat sy ontslag uit sy pos noodsaaklik was vir die vrede van Frankryk, hoewel hy tegnies nie die kansellaris bedank het nie, totdat hy in Februarie 1573 daartoe gedwing is.

Laat lewe. L'H ô pital het die laaste jare van sy lewe in afsondering by Vignay deurgebring. Hier skryf hy gedigte en ander kort kommentare oor sy era. In 1570 rig hy 'n kort memoires getiteld aan Charles IX Le But de la guerre et de la paix, ou discours du chancelier l'Hospital pour exhorter Charles IX à donner la paix à ses sujets. In 1585 publiseer 'n kleinseun nog een van sy werke, getiteld Epistolarum seu sermonum libri seks.

Alhoewel Michel de L'H ô pital in sy eie tyd van kettery beskuldig is, het hy tot die einde van sy lewe 'n praktiserende Katoliek gebly. Sy vyande het hom gekritiseer vir die beleid om die welsyn van Frankryk bo die welsyn van 'n enkele groep te plaas. Catherine het haar beleid vir baie jare na sy dood voortgesit, ondanks die feit dat dit verantwoordelik was vir sy val uit die mag. Hy betreur die oordrewe van die bloedbad van st. bartholomeus se dag, wat minder as 'n jaar voor sy dood plaasgevind het, en hy het dit so aangedui in 'n brief aan Charles IX.


Edik van Amboise, 18 Maart 1563 - Geskiedenis

Nie 'n baie akkurate prentjie nie. Op FR moet ons vermy om artikels te plaas wat doelbewus 'n paar geselekteerde “ -feite ” voorstel (waarvan sommige nogal twyfelagtig is) en ander doelbewus weglaat. Die term is polemies, en die gebruik van polemiek is in stryd met die konserwatiewe liefde en strewe na die waarheid, waarheen die feite ons ook al mag lei.

Soos pous Johannes Paulus II geleer het in Ut Unum Sint (1995) “ Tog kan Christene, behalwe die leerstellige verskille wat opgelos moet word, nie die las onderskat van jarelange bedenkinge wat uit die verlede geërf is, en van wedersydse misverstande en vooroordele nie. Selfvoldaanheid, onverskilligheid en onvoldoende kennis van mekaar vererger hierdie situasie dikwels. Die verbintenis tot ekumenisme moet gevolglik berus op die bekering van harte en op gebed, wat ook sal lei tot die nodige suiwering van herinneringe uit die verlede. Met die genade van die Heilige Gees word die Here se dissipels, geïnspireer deur liefde, deur die krag van die waarheid en deur 'n opregte begeerte na wedersydse vergifnis en versoening, opgeroep om saam hul pynlike verlede en die seer wat verlede steeds jammer, selfs vandag nog. Almal saam word hulle uitgenooi deur die steeds nuwe krag van die Evangelie om met opregte en totale objektiwiteit die foute wat gemaak is en die voorwaardelike faktore aan die werk aan die oorsprong van hul betreurenswaardige afdelings te erken. Wat nodig is, is 'n kalm, helder en waarheidsgetroue visie op dinge, 'n visie lewendig deur goddelike barmhartigheid en in staat is om die gedagtes van mense te bevry en om by elkeen 'n hernieude bereidheid te inspireer, juis met die doel om die Evangelie aan die mense te verkondig en vroue van elke volk en nasie. ”

Vul die feite in en dui aan waar u die poste feite dubios vind.

Dit is wat die Hugenote geglo het.

Waarom hulle bereid was om hul vaderland prys te gee eerder as om hul Verlosser, Jesus Christus, die Here prys te gee.

Dit is waaroor die Christendom eintlik gaan.

Luister en kyk en wees geseënd vandag.

Hier is 'n goeie opsomming vanuit die Katolieke perspektief, uit die 1917 Katolieke ensiklopedie. Dit is 'n goeie verwysing vir Protestante wat 'n beter begrip van Katolisisme soek, en is aanlyn beskikbaar op http://www.newadvent.org

Die artikel oor die Franse protestantisme kan hier gevind word, waaruit die onderstaande gedeelte 'n uittreksel is. U sal sien dat dit baie van die feite invul wat uitgelaat is deur die artikel wat u geplaas het, en 'n paar konteks bied vir sommige van die ander feite. Ek glo dat hierdie artikel meer liefdadig is vir die protestante POV as die artikel wat u vir die Katolieke POV gepos het, maar u kan u eie gevolgtrekking hieroor maak. Dit is in elk geval my opregte hoop dat hierdie artikel 'n bietjie balans sal bied en u sal help om 'n beter begrip van hierdie tydperk in die geskiedenis te kry.

Die geskiedenis van die Franse protestantisme kan in vier goed gedefinieerde periodes verdeel word: (1) 'n Militante tydperk waarin dit vir vryheid worstel (1559-98) (2) die periode van die Edik van Nantes (1598-1685) ( 3) die tydperk van die herroeping tot die rewolusie (1685-1800) (4) die tydperk van die rewolusie tot die skeiding (1801-1905).
Militante tydperk

Die organisering van hul dissipline en aanbidding het die Hugenote 'n nuwe uitbreidingsmag gegee. Bietjie vir bietjie dring hulle deur in die geledere van die adel. Een van die vernaamste gesinne van die koninkryk, die Coligny, verbonde aan die Montmorency, het hulle hul mees gesiene rekrute in d ’Andelot, admiraal Coligny en kardinaal Odet de Chatillon voorsien. Binnekort bely die koningin van Navarra, Jeanne d ’Albret, dogter van Margaret van Navarra, Calvinisme en bring dit met geweld in haar heerskappy in. Haar man, Antoine* de Bourbon, die eerste prins van die bloed, het soms gelyk asof hy saam met sy broer Prince de Cond & eacute na die Hugenote gegaan het, wat van sy kant nooit gewankel het in sy trou aan die nuwe sekte nie. Selfs die parlement van Parys, wat die stryd teen die kettery so energiek voortgesit het, het toegelaat dat hulle besmet raak, en baie van die lede omhels die nuwe leerstelling. Dit was nodig om ernstig te handel met die vele wat in die gevangenis was, onder andere Antoine* du Bourg. Maar op hierdie stadium sterf Henry II en laat die troon oor aan 'n delikate kind van sestien. Niks kon voordeliger gewees het vir die Hugenote nie. Net op daardie tydstip vorm hulle 'n talle groep in byna elke distrik van Frankryk. Sekere provinsies, soos Normandië, het tot 5000 van hulle op 'n dag 6000 mense by die Pr & eacute-aux-clercs in Parys bevat, het die Psalms van Marot gesing wat die Hugenote Basse-Guyenne aangeneem het. ses georganiseerde kerke. Twee jaar later tel Bordeaux 7000 van die Gereformeerde Rouen, 10.000 word genoem van 20.000 in Toulouse, en die Prince de Cond & eacute bied 'n lys van 2050 kerke aan, wat weliswaar nie geïdentifiseer kan word nie. Die pouslike nuncio het aan Rome geskryf dat die koninkryk meer as die helfte van die Hugenote was, maar dit was beslis 'n oordrywing, want die Venesiaanse ambassadeur beraam dat die distrik wat besmet was met hierdie fout nie in die tiende deel van Frankryk was nie, maar dit is duidelik dat die Hugenote nie meer kon nie word beskou as 'n paar verspreide handvol individue, wie se saak bevredigend deur 'n paar geregtelike vervolgings hanteer kan word. Georganiseer in kerke wat met sinodes verbind is, versterk deur die ondersteuning van groot here van wie sommige toegang tot die rade van die Kroon gehad het, vorm die Calviniste van toe af 'n politieke mag wat sy aktiwiteit in nasionale aangeleenthede uitgeoefen het en 'n eie geskiedenis gehad het.

Na die toetreding van Francis II, en deur die invloed van die Guises, wat almagtig was saam met die koning en sterk toegewyd was aan die katolisisme, is die bevele teen die Hugenote nog erger gemaak. Antoine* du Bourg is verbrand, en 'n koninklike edik (4 September 1559) het beveel dat huise waarin onwettige byeenkomste gehou is, geslyp moet word en dat die organiseerders van sulke byeenkomste met die dood gestraf moes word. Die Hugenote was verbitterd oor hierdie maatreëls en het voordeel getrek uit elke rede tot ontevredenheid wat die regering van die Guises bied. Nadat hulle met hul teoloë in Strasburg en Genève beraadslaag het, het hulle besluit om wapen te gebruik. 'N Plot is gevorm, waarvan die werklike leier die Prince de Conde was, hoewel die organisasie daarvan aan die Sieur de la Renaudi & eacute was toevertrou, 'n edelman van P & eacuterigord, wat deur die parlement van Dijon skuldig bevind is aan vervalsing, na Genève gevlug het, en het daar 'n vurige Calvinis geword. Hy het Genève en Engeland besoek en die provinsies van Frankryk gesoek om soldate te werf en hulle oor die hof byeen te bring, want die plan was om die Guises vas te vang sonder om, soos die samesweerders gesê het, die koning se hande te lê. Terwyl die Hof om die Hugenote -vyandigheid te ontwapen, sy agente beveel om van vervolging op te hou en 'n algemene amnestie af te kondig, waaruit slegs predikers en samesweerders uitgesluit is, is die Guises gewaarsku dat die komplot uitgebroei is en sodoende die opstand in die kiem kon smoor die bloed van die samesweerders wat in groepe bymekaargekom het oor Amboise, waar die koning gebly het (19 Maart 1560). Die wrok wat veroorsaak is deur die erns van hierdie onderdrukking en die aanstelling as kanselier van Michel de L ’H & ocircpital, 'n landdros van groot matigheid, het spoedig gelei tot die aanneming van minder gewelddadige beradings wat die Edik van Romorantin (Mei 1560) die lot van die Protestante versag het , wat as hul advokate voor die “Assemble of Notables ” (Augustus 1560) die Prince de Conde, die kanselier L ’H & ocircpital en die biskoppe van Valence en Vienne gehad het.

Die toetreding van Charles IX, 'n minderjarige (Desember 1560), het as koningin -regent sy moeder Catharine de ’ Medici aan die bewind gekom. Dit was gelukkig vir die Hugenote. Die ambisieuse regent het byna onverskillig vir leervrae geen mate van verdraagsaamheid toegestaan ​​nie, op voorwaarde dat sy in vrede haar mag sou geniet. Sy het die Conde en die Coligny toegelaat om die gereformeerde godsdiens by die hof te beoefen, en selfs ontbied om daar Jean de Mouluc, biskop van Valence, te preek, 'n Calvinis wat skaars deur sy verstekker verberg was. Terselfdertyd het sy die parlement van Parys beveel om die vervolging op te skort en Hugenote -aanbidding buite die stede gemagtig totdat 'n nasionale raad oor die saak moes uitgespreek het. 'N Edik wat in April afgekondig is, terwyl dit godsdienstige manifestasies verbied, stel diegene vry wat op godsdienstige gronde in die tronk was. Tevergeefs het die parlement van Parys probeer om die publikasie van hierdie bevel op te skort, 'n regskommissie wat bestaan ​​het uit vorste, hoë amptenare van die Kroon en lede van die Koninklike Raad, die Hugenote amnestie verleen op die voorwaarde dat hulle voortaan soos Katolieke. In die hoop om 'n versoening te bewerkstellig tussen die twee godsdienste, vergader Catharine Katolieke prelate en Hugenote -predikante tydens die Conference of Poissy. Vir laasgenoemde het Th & eacuteodore de B & egraveze gepraat vir eersgenoemde, die kardinaal van Lorraine. Elke party het die oorwinning behaal. Ten slotte het die koning die Hugenote verbied om kerklike eiendom te besit, en die Katolieke om in te meng met die Hugenote -aanbidding. In Januarie 1562 is die Hugenote gemagtig om hul vergaderings buite die dorpe te hou, maar moes al die eiendom wat uit die geestelikes geneem is, herstel en hulle weerhou van oproer en onwettige byeenkomste. Hierdie bevel het die mededingende faksies in Parys egter net kwaad gemaak. Dit het onrus veroorsaak wat Catharine en die hof verplig het om te vlug. Die hertog van Guise, op pad van Lorraine om weer by die koningin aan te sluit, vind by Vassy in Champagne ongeveer ses of sewehonderd Hugenote wat godsdienstige aanbidding hou (1 Maart 1562), wat volgens die Edik van Januarie geen reg gehad het om te doen nie, Vassy is 'n versterkte stad. Hulle sang het spoedig inmeng met die mis waarop die hertog van Guise gehelp het. Onderlinge provokasies het ontstaan, 'n rusie het uitgebreek en bloed was gestort. Drie en twintig Hugenote is doodgemaak en meer as honderd gewond.

Met die oproep van die Prince de Conde het die eerste van die burgeroorloë begin, die '8220 oorloë van godsdiens'. Die Hugenote het opgestaan, soos hulle gesê het, om respek af te dwing vir die Edik van Januarie, wat die hertog van Guise onder sy voete vertrap het. Oral vind die wedersydse vyandighede uitval in gewelddade. Hugenote is op die een plek vermoor, monnike en godsdienstige op 'n ander plek. Waar die opstandelinge ook die bemeestering verkry het, is kerke afgedank, standbeelde en kruise vermink, heilige gereedskap ontheilig in heilige burleske en oorblyfsels van heiliges in die vlamme gewerp. Die ernstigste ontmoetings het plaasgevind by Orl & eacuteans, waar die hertog van Guise verraderlik deur 'n Hugenoot vermoor is. Die moordenaar Poltrot de M & eacuter & eacute het verklaar dat B & egraveze en Coligny hom aangespoor het. Finally, although Conde and Coligny had not been ashamed to purchase support from Queen Elizabeth of England by delivering Havre over to her, the victory remained with the Catholics. Peace was established by the Edict of Amboise (19 March, 1563), which left the Huguenots freedom of worship in one town out of each bailiwick (bailliage) and in the castles of lords who exercised the power of life and death (haute justice). Four years later there was another civil war which lasted six months and ended in the Peace of Longjumeau (23 March, 1568), re-establishing the Edict of Amboise. Five months later hostilities recommenced. Conde occupied La Rochelle, but he was killed at Jarnac, and Coligny, who succeeded to his command was defeated at Moncontour. Peace was made in the following year, and the Edict of Saint-Germain (8 April, 1570) granted the Huguenots freedom of worship wherever their worship had been carried on before the war, besides leaving in their hands the four following refuges — La Rochelle, Montauban, La Charite, and Cognac.

On his return to Court, Coligny found great favour with the king and laboured to win his support for the revolted Netherlands. The marriage of Henry, King of Navarre, with the king’s sister, Margaret of Valois, soon after this brought all the Huguenots lords to Paris. Catharine de’ Medici, jealous of Coligny’s influence with the king, and it may be in collusion with the Duke of Guise who had his father’s death to avenge on the admiral, plotted the death of the latter. But the attempt failed Coligny was only wounded. Catharine, fearing reprisals from the Huguenot’s, suddenly won over the king and his council to the idea of putting to death the Huguenot leaders assembled in Paris. Thus occurred the odious Massacre of St. Bartholomew, so called from the saint whose feast fell on the same day (24 August, 1572), Admiral Coligny being slain with many of his Huguenot followers. The massacre spread to many provincial towns. The number of victims is estimated at 2000 for the capital, and 6000 to 8000 for the rest of France. The king explained to foreign courts that Coligny and his partisans had organized a plot against his person and authority, and that he (the king) had merely suppressed it. Thus it was that Pope Gregory XIII at first believed in a conspiracy of the Huguenots, and, persuaded that the king had but defended himself against these heretics, held a service of thanksgiving for the repression of the conspiracy, and commemorated it by having a medal struck, which he sent with his felicitations to Charles IX. There is no proof that the Catholic clergy were in the slightest degree connected with the massacre. Cries of horror and malediction arose from the Huguenot ranks their writers made France and the countries beyond its borders echo with those cries by means of pamphlets in which, for the first time, they attacked theabsolute power, or even the very institution of royalty. After St. Bartholomew’s the Huguenots, though bereft of their leaders, rushed to arms. This was the fourth civil war, and centred about a few fortified towns, such as La Rochelle, Montauban, and Nîmes. The Edict of Boulogne (25 June, 1573) put an end to it, granting to all Huguenots amnesty for the past and liberty to worship in those three towns. It was felt that the rising power of the Huguenots was broken — that from this juncture forward they would never again be able to sustain a conflict except by allying themselves with political malcontents. They themselves wereconscious of this they gave themselves a political organization which facilitated the mobilization of all their forces. In their synods held from 1573 to 1588 they organized France into généralités, placing at the head of each a general, with a permanent council and periodical assemblies. The delegates of these généralités were to form the States General of the Union, which were to meet every three months. Special committees were created for the recruiting of the army, the management of the finances, and the administration of justice. Over the whole organization a “protector of the churches” was appointed, who was the chief of the party. Conde held this title from 1574 Henry of Navarre after 1576. It was, so to say, a permanently organized revolt. In 1574 hostilities recommenced the Huguenots and the malcontents joined forces against impotent royalty until they wrested from Henry, the successor of Charles IX (30 May, 1574), by the Edict of Beaulieu (May, 1576) the right of public worship for the religion, thenceforth officially called the prétendue reformée, throughout France, except at Paris and the Court. There were also to be established chambers composed of equal numbers of Catholics and Huguenots in eight Parliaments eight places de sureté were to be given to the Huguenots there was to be a disclaimer of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, and the families which had suffered from it were to be reinstated. These large concessions to the Huguenots and the approbation given to their political organization led to the formation of the League, which was organized by Catholics anxious to defend their religion. The States-General of Blois (December, 1576) declared itself against the Edict of Beaulieu. Thereupon the Protestants took up arms under the leadership of Henry of Navarre, who, escaping from the Court, had returned to the Calvinism which he had abjured at the time of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. The advantage was on the Catholic side, thanks to some successes achieved by the Duke of Anjou, the king’s brother. The Peace of Bergerac, confirmed by the Edict of Poitiers (September, 1577), left the Huguenots the free exercise of their religion only in the suburbs of one town in each bailiwick (bailliage), and in those places where it had been practised before the outbreak of hostilities and which they occupied at the current date.

The national synods, which served to fill up the intervals between armed struggles, give us a glimpse into the forces at work in the interior life of the Huguenot party. The complaints made at their synods show clearly that the fervour of their early days had disappeared laxity and dissensions were finding their way into their ranks, and at times pastors and their flocks were at variance. It was necessary to forbid pastors to publish anything touching religious controversies or political affairs without the express approval of their conferences, and the consistories were asked (1581) to stem the ever-widening wave of dissolution which threatened their church. A Venetian ambassador writes at this period that the number of Huguenots had decreased by seventy per cent. But the death of the Duke of Anjou on 10 June, 1584, the sole surviving heir of the direct line of the Valois, revived their hopes, since the King of Navarre thus became heir presumptive to the throne. The prospect thus opened aroused the League it called upon Henry III to interdict Huguenot worship everywhere, and to declare the heretics incapable of holding any benefices or public offices — and consequently the King of Navarre incapable of succeeding to the throne. By the Convention of Nemours (7 July, 1585) the king accepted these conditions he revoked all previous edicts of pacification, ordered the ministers to leave the kingdom immediately and the other Huguenots within six months, unless they chose to be converted. This edict, it was said, sent more Huguenots to Mass than St. Bartholomew’s had, and resulted in the disappearance of all their churches north of the Loire it was therefore impossible for them to profit by the hostilities which broke out between the king and the Guises, and resulted in the assassination of the Guises at the States-General of Blois (23 December, 1588) and the death of Henry III at the siege of the revolted city of Paris (1 August, 1589). Henry of Navarre succeeded as Henry IV, after promising the Royalist Catholics who had joined him that he would seek guidance and instruction from a council to be held within six months, or sooner if possible, and that in the meantime he would maintain the exclusive practice of the Catholic religion in all those places where the Huguenot religion was not actually being practised. Circumstances prevented him from keeping his word. The League held Paris and the principal towns of France, and he was forced into a long struggle against it, in which he was enabled to secure victory only after his conversion to Catholicism (July, 1593), and, above all, after his reconciliation with the pope (September, 1595). The Huguenots had meanwhile been able to obtain from him only the measure of tolerance guaranteed by the Edict of Poitiers they had profited by this to reopen at Montauban (June, 1594) the synods which had been interrupted for eleven years. They soon completed their political organization in the Assemblies of Saumur and Loudun, they extended it to the whole of France and claimed to treat with the king as equal with equal, bargaining with him for their help against the Spaniards, refusing him their contingents at the siege of Amiens, withdrawing them in the midst of a campaign during the siege of La Fère. Thus they brought the king, who was besides anxious to end the civil war, to grant them the Edict of Nantes (April-May, 1598).
Under the Edict of Nantes

This edict, containing 93 public and 36 secret articles, provided in the first place that the Catholic religion should be re-established wherever it had been suppressed, together with all the property and rights previously enjoyed by the clergy. The Huguenots obtained the free exercise of their religious worship in all places where it actually existed, as also in two localities in every bailiwick (bailliage), in castles of lords possessing the right of life and death, and even in those of the ordinary nobles in which the number of the faithful did not exceed thirty. They were eligible for all public offices, for admission to colleges and academies, could hold synods and even political meetings they received 45,000 crowns annually for expenses of worship and support of schools they were given in the Parliament of Paris a tribunal in which their representatives constituted one-third of the members, while in those of Grenoble, Bordeaux, and Toulouse special chambers were created, half of whose members were Huguenot. One hundred places de sureté were ceded to them for eight years, and, while the king paid the garrison of these fortresses, he named the governors only with the assent of thechurches. If many of these provisions are nowadays recognized by common law, some on the other hand would seem incompatible with orderly government. This condition of benevolent and explicit tolerance was entirely new for the Huguenots. Many of them considered that too little had been yielded to them, while the Catholics thought that they had been given too much. Pope Clement VIII energetically complained of the edict to Cardinal d’Ossat, the king’s ambassador the French clergy protested against it and many of the parliaments refused for a long time to register it. Henry IV succeeded finally in imposing his will on all parties, and for some years the Edict of Nantes ensured the religious peace of France. The Huguenots, possessing at that time 773 churches, enjoyed during the reign of Henry IV the most perfect calm their happiness was marred only by the efforts of the Catholic clergy to make converts among them. Cardinal du Perron and many of the Jesuits, Capuchins, and other religious engaged in this work, and sometimes with great success. Upon the death of Henry IV (1610) there was at first no change in the situation of the Protestants. They did indeed raise numerous complaints in their assemblies of Saumur, Grenoble, La Rochelle, and Loudun, but in reality they had no grievances to allege except those due to popular intolerance with which the Government had nothing to do.Truth compels the less prejudiced among their historians to admit that the Huguenots, who complained so much of Catholic intolerance, were themselves just as intolerant wherever they happened to be the stronger. Not only did they retain the church property and the exclusive use of the churches, but, wherever possible (as at Béarn), they even opposed the enforcement of those clauses of the Edict of Nantes which were favourable to Catholics. They went so far as to prohibit Catholic worship in the towns that had been ceded to them. It was with the greatest difficulty that Sully, the minister of Henry IV and himself a Protestant, could obtain for Catholic priests permission to enter the hospitals of La Rochelle, when summoned to administer the sacraments, and authorization to bury, with never so little solemnity, their dead co-religionists. To this intolerance, which often explains the attitude of the Catholics, they added the imprudence of showing themselves ever ready to make common cause with the domestic enemies of the State, or with any lords who might be in revolt. In 1616, in Guyenne, Languedoc, and Piotou, they allied themselves with Rohan and Conde, who hadrisen against the queen regent, Marie de’ Medici. They again got restless when the king, conformably with the Edict of Nantes, re-established Catholicism at Béarn. An assembly, held at La Rochelle despite the king’s prohibition, divided the realm into eight military circles, and among other matters provided for plundering the king’srevenues and the goods of the Church. To deal with this condition of affairs the king was obliged to capture Saumur, Thouars, and other rebellious towns. He laid siege to Montauban, which city, defended by Rohan and La Force, repelled all his assaults. Lastly he invested Montpellier and had no better success nevertheless peace was signed there (October, 1622), according to which the Edict of Nantes was confirmed, political meetings were forbidden, and the cities which had been won from the Protestants remained in the king’s hands. Cardinal de Richelieu, when he became prime minister, entertained the idea of putting an end to the political power of the Huguenots while respecting their religious liberty. Rohan and Soubise, on the pretext that the Edict of Nantes had been violated, quickly effected an uprising of the South of France, and did not hesitate to make an alliance with England, as a result of which an English fleet of ninety vessels manned by 10,000 men endeavoured to effect a landing at La Rochelle (July, 1627). The king and Richelieu laid siege to this stronghold of the revolted Huguenots they drove off the English fleet, and even made its approach to the place impossible in future by means of a mole about 1640 yards long which they constructed. In spite of the fanatical heroism of the mayorGuiton and his co-religionists, La Rochelle was obliged to capitulate. Richelieu used his victory with moderation he left the inhabitants the free exercise of their religion, granted them a full amnesty, and restored all property to its owners. Rohan, pursued by Conde and Epernon, kept up the war, not disdaining to accept succour from Spain, but he was at last obliged to sign the Peace of Alais, by which the Edict of Nantes was renewed, an amnesty promised, the cities taken from the Huguenots, and the religious wars brought to an end (June, 1629). Subsequently Protestantism disappeared from the stage of politics, content to enjoy in peace the advantages of a religious character which were still accorded to it. The strife was transferred to the field of controversy. Public lectures, polemical and erudite writings, were multiplied, and preachers and professors of theology — such as Chamier, Amyraut, Rivet, Basnage, Blondel, Daillé, Bochart — demonstrated their industry, learning, and courage. The Church in France, more and more affected by the beneficent influence of the Council of Trent, opposed them with vigorous and learned controversialists, with prudent and zealous preachers, such as Sirmond, Labbe, Coton, St. Francis de Sales, Cospéan, Lejeune, Sénault, Tenouillet, Coeffeteau, de Bérulle, Condren, whose success was manifested in numerous conversions. These conversions took place especially in the higher circles of society the great lords abandoned Calvinism, which retained its influence only among the middle classes. Excluded from the public service, the Huguenots became manufacturers, merchants, and farmers the number of their churches decreased to 630 their religious activity lessened between 1631 and 1659 they held only four synods. Without being sympathetic towards them, the public authorities respected the religious liberty guaranteed by the Edict of Nantes. Richelieu judged that the scope of that edict should not be widened, nor should the liberties there granted be curtailed, and even Protestant historians pay tribute to his moderation. Louis XIV being a minor at his accession, his mother, Anne of Austria, began her regency by promising to the Protestants the enjoyment of their liberties. Mazarin abstained from disturbing them. “If the little flock”, he said, “feeds on evil weeds, it does not wander away” (Si le petit troupeau broute de mauvaises herbes, il ne s’écarte pas). It is indeed true that some of the feudal lords, the Duc de Bouillon among others, when they gave up Calvinism, caused the temples within their jurisdictions to be closed but the Edict of Nantes permitted this, and the Government had neither the right nor the inclination to prevent it. In 1648, when Alsace with the exception of Strasburg was reunited with France, liberty of public worship was maintained for all the new subjects who were of the Augsburg Confession. In 1649 the Royal Council, dealing with certain complaints of the Huguenots, declared that those of the “pseudo-reformed” (prétendue réformée) religion should not be disturbed in the practice of their worship, and ordered the reopening of some of their temples which had been closed. Thus the Protestant minister Jurieu could write that the years between the Rising of the Fronde and the Peace of the Pyrenees were among the happiest within the memory of his creed.

In proportion as Louis XIV got the reins of government into his own hands, the position of the Huguenots became increasingly unfavourable. After 1660 they were forbidden to hold national synods. At that time they counted 623 churches served by 723 pastors, who ministered to about 1,200,000 members. A commission, established in 1661 to inquire into the titles on which their places of worship were held, brought about the demolition of more than 100 churches, for which no warrant could be found in the provisions of the Edict of Nantes. A royal order of 1663 deprived relapsed persons — i.e. those who had returned to Protestantism after having abjured it — of the benefit of the Edict of Nantes, and condemned them to perpetual banishment. A year later, it is true, this order was suspended, and proceedings under it were arrested. Then, by another ordinance, parish priests were authorized to present themselves with a magistrate at the domicile of any sick person and to ask whether such person wished to die in heresy or to be converted to the true religion the children of Protestants were declared competent to embrace Catholicism at the age of seven, their parents being obliged to make an allowance for their separate support conformably with their station in life. The Protestants soon saw themselves excluded from public office the chambers in which the parties were equally represented were suppressed, Huguenot preaching was restrained and emigration was forbidden under pain of confiscation of property.

These measures and others of less importance were taken chiefly in response to demands made by the Assemblies of the Clergy or by public opinion. Their efficacy was augmented by the controversial works, those of Bosseut, “Exposition de la doctrine catholique”, “Avertissement aux Protestants”, “Histoire des variations des Eglises protestantes”, being conspicuously brilliant, to which the ministers — Claude, Jurieu, Pajon — replied but feebly. Meanwhile the commissioners (intendants) were working with all their might to bring about conversions of Protestants, to which end some of them made as much use of dragoons as they did missionaries, so that their system of making converts by force rather than by conviction came to be branded with the name of dragonnade.
From the revocation of the Edict of Nantes to the Revolution

Trusting in the number and sincerity of these conversions, Louis XIV thought it no longer necessary to observe half measures with the Huguenots, and consequently revoked the Edict of Nantes on 18 October, 1685. Thenceforward the exercise of public worship was forbidden to the Protestants their churches were to be demolished they were prohibited from assembling for the practice of their religion in private houses. Protestant ministers who would not be converted were ordered to leave the kingdom within fifteen days. Parents were forbidden to instruct their children in Protestantism, and ordered to have them baptized by priests and sent to Catholic schools. Four months’ grace was granted the fugitive Protestants to return to France and recover their property after the lapse of this period the said property would be definitively confiscated. Emigration was forbidden for men under pain of the galleys, and for women under pain of imprisonment. Subject to these conditions Protestants might live within the realm, carry on commerce, and enjoy their property without being molested on account of their religion. This measure, which was regrettable from many points of view, evoked in France unanimous applause from Catholics of all classes. With the exception of Vauban and Saint-Simon, all the great men of that period highly approved of the revocation. This attitude is explained by the ideas of the time. Tolerance was almost unknown in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and, in those countries where they had the ascendancy, the Protestants had been long inflicting upon Catholics a treatment harder than they themselves underwent in France. At Geneva and in Holland Catholic worship was absolutely forbidden in Germany, after the Peace of Augsburg, all subjects were bound to take the religion of their prince, in accordance with the adage: Cujus regio ejus religio. England, which even forced those who dissented from the Established Church to seek religious liberty in America, treated Catholics more harshly than did Turkey all priests were banished from the country should one of them return and be caught in the exercise of his functions, he was condemned to death a heavy tribute was imposed upon Papists, as though they were slaves.

The Revocation did not produce the effect intended by its author. Scarcely had it been published when, in spite of all prohibitions, a mighty movement of emigration developed in the provinces adjacent to the frontiers.Vauban had to write that the “Revocation brought about the desertion of 100,000 Frenchmen, the exportation of 60,000,000 livres ($12,000,000), the ruin of commerce enemies’ fleets were reinforced by 9000 sailors, the best in thekingdom, and foreign armies by 600 officers and 1200 men, more inured to war than their own.” Those who remained took advantage of the last article of the Revocation to dispense with attendance at church and the reception of the sacraments at the hour of death. The king in his embarrassment consulted the bishops and the intendants, and their replies inclined him to relax the execution of the edict of revocation somewhat, without changing anything in its letter. On the other hand, a few preachers remained in spite of the Revocation, and clandestinely organized their worship in the fields and in remote places, or, as the Protestant historians express it, “in the desert”. Of this number were Brousson, Corteiz, and Regnart. In the Vivarais the management of the churches passed into the hands of the illuminés — fanatical preachers, peasants, and young girls — who stirred up the population with prophesies of the approaching triumph of their cause. Three armies and three marshals of France had to march against these insurgents (the Camisards), who were reduced to order only after a struggle of five or six years’ duration (1702-1708).

From that time the churches lived only as secret associations, without religious worship and without regular gatherings. The ministers were hunted into hiding, those who were caught being mercilessly put to death. Still, some of them were not afraid to risk their lives the best known of these, Antoine* Court (1696-1760), spent nearly twenty years in this secret labour, travelling through the South, and distributing propagandist or polemical tracts, holding numerous meetings “in thedesert”, and even organizing semblances of provincial synods in 1715, and national synods in 1726. Retiring to Lausanne in 1729, he founded there a seminary for the education of pastors for the Protestant ministry in France. This condition of official persecution and hidden vitality lasted until after the middle of the eighteenth century. The authorities continued to hang ministers and destroy churches until 1762 but ideas of toleration had for some time been gradually finding their way into the mind of the nation prosecutions for religious offences became unpopular, especially after the Calas affair. A Protestant of that name at Toulouse was charged with having killed one of his sons to prevent his becoming a Catholic. Arrested and condemned on this charge by the Parliament of Toulouse (9 March, 1762), he was executed at the age of sixty-eight after a trial which created great excitement. His widow and children demanded justice. Voltaire took up their cause and succeeded by his writings in arousing the public opinion of France and of Europe against the Parliament of Toulouse. The Supreme Council (Grand Conseil) unanimously reversed the judgment of the Parliament, and another tribunal rehabilitated the memory of Calas. The Protestants derived great benefit from the trend of public feeling resulting from this rehabilitation. Without any legislative change as yet, the modification of public opinion incessantly tended to the improvement of their lot, and the Government treated them with a tacittoleration. At last, in 1787, a decided amelioration of their condition came with the Edict of Toleration, which granted to non-Catholics the right to practise a profession or handicraft without molestation, permission to be legally married before magistrates, and to have births officially recorded. In practice these liberties went even farther, and churches were openly organized. Two years later complete liberty and access to all employments were recognized as belonging to them, no less than to other citizens, by the “Declaration of theRights of Man “, voted by the Constituent Assembly (August, 1789). This legislative body, which for a short period (March, 1790) was presided over by the Protestant pastor Rabaud, went so far as to order that the property of those who had emigrated under the Revocation should be restored to their descendants, who might even recover their rights as French citizens on condition that they took up their residence in France. Protestants had to suffer, like Catholics, though infinitely less, from the sectarian and anti-religious spirit of the Revolution churches vanished during the Reign of Terror religious worship could not be reorganized until about the year 1800.
From the Revolution to the separation (1801-1905)

When order was restored the Huguenots were included in the measures initiated by Napoleon for pacifying the nation. They received from him an entirely new organization. At this time there were in France about 430,000 Réformés. By the law of 18 Germinal, Year X (7 April, 1802), there was to be a consistorial church for every 6000 believers, and five consistorial churches were to form a synod. The consistory of each church was to be composed of a pastor and the leading elders. They were entrusted with the maintenance of discipline, the administration of property, and the election of pastors, whose names had, however, to be submitted for the approval of the head of the State. Each synod was composed of a pastor and an elder from each of the churches, and had to superintend public worship and religious instruction. It could assemble only with the consent of the Government under the presidency of the prefect or the sub-prefect, and for not longer than six days. Its enactments had to be submitted for approval to the head of the State. There was no national synod. The churches of the Augsburg Confession, chiefly in Alsace, had, instead of synods, boards of inspection subordinate to three general consistories. Salaries were guaranteed to the pastors, who were exempt from military service. The old seminary of Lausanne was transferred to Geneva, at that time a French city, and then to Montauban (1809) and annexed to the university as a faculty of theology. For the churches of the Augsburg Confession, two seminaries or faculties were to be erected in the east of France. Politically, Protestantism had no further modifications to undergo, whatever changes of government there might be. In the early days of the Restoration its members had, indeed, a certain amount of rough usage to suffer in some of the cities of the south, but this was the work of local animosity or of personal vengeance, and the publicauthorities had no part in it. The churches laboured to adapt themselves as well as possible to the system of organization that had been imposed on them.

In 1806, after Napoleon’s conquests, there were 76 consistories with 171 pastors. The religious life of their churches was very languid indifference reigned everywhere. At Paris, the pastor Boistard complained that out of 10,000 Protestants hardly fifty or a hundred attended worship regularly — two or three hundred at most during the fine season. The pastors, hastily prepared for their work at Geneva, brought back generally with them rationalistic tendencies they were content to fulfil the routine duties of their profession. Their preaching dwelt upon the commonplaces of morality or of natural religion. Two tendencies in regard to dogma were beginning to reveal themselves. One of these was represented by Daniel Encoutre, dean of the theological faculty at Montauban, and was directed towards rigid orthodoxy, based firmly on dogmas and confessions the other was championed especially by Samuel Vincent, one of the most respected pastors of the time, and put religious feeling above doctrine and morality, Christianity being according to this view a life rather than an aggregate of facts and revealed truths. The movement known as the Réveil (Awakening) helped to accentuate this divergence. The men who constituted themselves its propagators in France during the first years of the Restoration were disciples of Wesley. They insisted, in their sermons, on the absolute powerlessness of man to save himself by his own efforts, upon justification by faith alone, upon individual conversion, and were animated by a zeal for the saving of souls and the preaching of the Gospel which contrasted strangely with the indolence of the official Protestant pastors. The Réveil was ill received by the two sections into which French Protestantism was beginning to divide. The orthodox, while accepting its doctrines, did not sympathize with its efforts at a renewal of the spiritual life, of renunciation and sacrifice, and of zeal for saving souls. This they plainly showed at Lyons where they effected the removal of the pastor Adolphe Monod, who had wished to introduce Réveil practices. For the representatives of the liberal tendencies, the preaching of the Réveil was nothing but a collection of superannuated doctrines, in opposition alike to what they called the spirit of the Gospel and to the ideas and aspirations of modern society.

These three tendencies grew farther apart from day to day. The friends of Réveil, sometimes called Methodists, severed their connection with the Reformed Churches of France, and organized in 1830 in the Rue Taitbout, Paris, a free Church of which Edmond de Pressense soon became the most noted leader. In their profession of faith and their disciplinary regulations they emphasized the individual character of faith, the Church’s independence of the State, and the duty of maintaining a propaganda. Some of them, with the periodical “L’Esperance” for their organ, refused to break with the National Church. The Liberals, who were at first called Latitudinarians or Rationalists, repudiated the earlier confessions of faith, predestination by absolute decree and illumination by irresistible grace, and the whole body of their doctrine — according to M. Nicolas, one of their number — consisted in “avoiding Calvinistic and Rationalistic exaggerations”. A synod held in 1848, consisting of fifty-two ministers and thirty-eight elders, increased the existing divisions. The Liberals obtained the presidency, and, in deference to their wishes, the question of confessions of faith was set aside by an almost unanimous vote, the synod contenting itself with drawing up an address in which the majority set forth the principles common to French Protestants, namely, respect for the Bible and the liturgies, and faith in historical and supernatural Christianity. But as the assembly refused to re-establish a clear and positive profession of faith, the pastors Frederic Monod, Amal, and Cambon left the official Church, and issued an appeal to all the independent churches which had been formed by the labours of isolated evangelists. In 1849 they held a synod, in which thirteen of these already formed churches and eighteen which were in process of formation were represented, voted a profession of faith, and established the “Union of the Free Evangelical Churches of France” (Union des eglises évangéliques libres de France).

All these divisions made a civil reorganization of the churches desirable it was effected by a decree of Louis Napoleon, who was then President of the Republic. This decree reconstituted the parishes, placing them under a presbyterial council of pastors and elders. At the head of the hierarchy so constituted was a central council, the members of which were appointed by the Government its function was merely to represent the churches in their relations with the head of the State, without possessing any religious or disciplinary authority. The Lutheran churches were placed under the authority of the Superior Consistory and of a Directory. The only subsequent modification in the status of these churches resulted from the Prussian annexation, after the War of 1870, of the Alsatian territories, where there were a great many Protestants the Lutheran churches by this event lost two-thirds of their membership, and their faculty of theology had to be transferred from Strasburg to Paris, where it augmented the strength of the Liberal section. The gulf between the two parties still continued to widen. The Orthodox vainly endeavoured, by abandoning the formulae of the old theology, and by rejecting all but the great facts and essential doctrines of Christianity, to maintain their position the Liberals, following the lead of the “Revuede Strasbourg”, displayed an ever greater readiness to welcome the most radical conclusions ofGerman rationalistic criticism, particularly those of the Tübingen School. The authority of Holy Scripture, the Divinity of Christ, the idea of the Redemption, of miracles, of the supernatural, were successively abandoned. M. Pécaut, a representative of this tendency, even wrote in 1859 a book (Le Christ et la conscience) in which he called in question the moral perfection and holiness of Christ. Others — and among them pastors such as Athanase Coquerel the Younger, Albert Réville, and Paschoud — did not conceal their sympathy for Renan’s “Vie de Jésus”. The two last named of these, indeed, were deprived of theirchurches by the council they of course asserted in defence of their ideas — as, for that matter, did all the Liberals — that they had only used the right of free inquiry — the right which constitutes the whole of Protestantism, since the Reformation was based on the right of every man to interpret the Scriptures according to his own lights. Their opponents replied that, if this were so, the Church was impossible that a common worship presupposes common beliefs. This question brought on many lively discussions between the representatives of the two tendencies in the Press, at the conferences, and in theelections for the presbyterial councils. To restore peace, a general synod had to be convoked with the consent of the Government in June, 1872. Here the orthodox had a majority a profession of faith was carried by sixty-one votes to forty-five, and subscription to it was made obligatory upon all the young pastors. This decision became an insurmountable barrier between the two parties. The Liberals, not content with repudiating the notion of any obligatory confession of faith, refused, so long as it was maintained, to take any part in the synod of 1872, and have also abstained from participating in any of the general synods, which have been held about every three years since 1879, at Paris, Nantes, Sedan, Auduze and elsewhere, and from which the orthodox party have taken the name of “the Synodal Church”. For all that, the Liberals had no intention of breaking with the organization recognized by the State. Numerous attempts have been made in the last thirty years, to bring about an understanding between the two parties, but have not succeeded in establishing doctrinal unity. The Separation seems calculated rather to increase the divisions, and already a third party has been formed by the fusion at Jarnac (1 October, 1906) of 65 Liberal churches and 40 Synodal under the name of the “Union des Eglises Reformées”.

Divided among themselves on doctrinal questions, the Protestants have by no means lost their solidarity in regard to external activities. The movement of spiritual renovation which followed the Napoleonic wars produced among them various propagandist, educational, and benevolent enterprises, such as the “Societe biblique” (1819), the “Societe des traites religieux” (1861), the “Societe des missions évangéliques de Paris” (1824), theSociety for the Promotion of Primary Instruction among Protestants (1829), the Institution of Deaconesses (1841), the agricultural colony of Sainte-Toy (1842), and divers orphanages, homes for neglected children, and primary schools. Of these last, the greater number (about 2000) have been closed since 1882. The missionary activity of the French Protestants has been chiefly exerted through the “Societe des missions évangéliques de Paris”, at Bassoutos (South Africa), where they count at the present time 15,000 adherents, with schools and a printing press in Madagascar, where a large number of schools are dependent on them (117 schools, according to statistics for 1908, with 7500 pupils) in Senegal, in French Congo, in Zambesi, Tahiti, and New Caledonia. Some sixty missionaries are at work on these missions, and in late years they have received an annual grant amounting to about 320,000 dollars. At home their propaganda is carried on chiefly among the Catholic population by the “Societe centrale protestante d’evangelisation”, with a budget of 90,000 dollars per annum by the “Societe évangéliquede France”, which in some years has received as much as 24,000 dollars by the “Mission populaire évangélique” (MacAll) without, however, any appreciable success.

Journalistic enterprise has not been overlooked. The first Protestant periodical, the “Archives du christianisme”, was founded in 1818 then came the “Annales protestantes” in 1820, the “Mélanges de la religion” in the same year, “Revue protestante” and the “Lien” in 1841, the “Evangéliste” in 1837, the “Espérance” in 1838, the “Revuede Strasbourg” in 1859, the “Revue théologique”, the “Protestant”, the “Vie Nouvelle”, the “Revue chrétienne”, and the “Signal”, a political journal. Only the best-knownperiodicals are mentioned here most of them have disappeared many are, or have been, the organs of particular sections of the Protestants. There must still be, according to the “Agenda, annuaire protestant”, more than 150 in existence, but the majority have only a restricted circulation, and, excepting the “Bulletin historique et littéraire de la société de l’histoire du protestantisme français” (1852), are practically without readers outside of the Protestant world.

At present Protestantism counts about 650,000 adherents in France — 560,000 Réformés, 80,000 Lutherans, and 10,000 independents — that is a little less than one-sixtieth of the population. This seemingly negligible minority has, as everyone admits, made for itself in politics and in the executive government a place out of all proportion to its numerical strength. From areligious point of view Protestantism shows no indications of progress its doctrines are daily losing ground, above all in educated circles. There, as recently declared by M. Edmond Stapfer, dean of the faculty of Protestant theology at Paris, in the “Revue Chrétienne”, “people no longer want most of the traditional beliefs they no longer want the dogmatic system, used by the Reformers and the Réveil, in which many ‘evangelical’ pastors still believe, or by their silence leave the faithful to conclude that they still believe . . . . The intellectuals will have no more of these antiquities, they do not go to hear the pastors preach they are agnostics they respectfully salute the ancient beliefs, but they get on without them, and have no need of them either for their intellectual or their moral life.” Indeed it does not appear that the practice of religion has any more vitality among the masses than faith has among the intellectuals. Official reports made to the synods testify that “the number of mixed marriages is increasing, which proves that faith is diminishing. . . . In certain districts the number is sometimes as many as 95 per cent even in the very Protestant districts, we know of 25 per cent in one place and 20 per cent in others, and as high as 50 per cent of unions of this kind.” As for attendance at publicworship: “Here”, says one report made to the General Synod of Bordeaux (1899), “are the figures for a section of the country which must be classed among the best, that of the Pyrenees. The average of attendance is 32 per cent. It does not go so high everywhere in Paris, for example, it reaches only 11 per cent, and in some churches of Poitou we must go still lower . . . to averages of 5 per cent. The same difference is found in the number of communicants: here it is 12 per cent there, 4 or even 3 per cent.” These are results which would doubtless have astonished and scandalized Calvin, but which are sufficiently explained by the theory of free inquiry and the intimate history of French Protestantism, especially during the last century.


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