Inligting

Niagara -beweging


In 1905 het 'n groep prominente swart intellektuele onder leiding van W.E.B. Du Bois het in Erie, Ontario, naby die Niagara -waterval, vergader om 'n organisasie te stig wat 'n beroep doen op burgerlike en politieke regte vir Afro -Amerikaners. Met sy relatief aggressiewe benadering tot die bekamping van rassediskriminasie en segregasie, was die Niagara -beweging 'n voorloper van die National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) en die burgerregtebeweging.

Stigting van die Niagara -beweging

Met die aanvang van die 20ste eeu het die beloftes van die 14de en 15de wysigings - burgerregte vir Afro -Amerikaners - te kort geskiet. Heropbou het misluk, en die Hooggeregshof het die segregasiebeleid van Jim Crow goedgekeur Plessy v. Ferguson (1896).

Teen hierdie agtergrond van wydverspreide rassediskriminasie en segregasie het Booker T. Washington een van die invloedrykste swart leiers van die era geword. Hy het aangevoer dat swart mense hulself moet bevorder deur middel van leervaardighede soos boerdery en timmerwerk, eerder as om na wetlike en politieke middele om as groep te vorder. "Ons sal nie agiteer vir politieke of sosiale gelykheid nie," verklaar Washington in 1895 in 'n toespraak bekend as die Atlanta Compromise. "As ons afsonderlik leef en tog saamwerk, sal albei rasse die toekoms van ons geliefde Suid bepaal."

In 1905 het Du Bois, destyds 'n professor aan die Universiteit van Atlanta, en William Monroe Trotter, stigter van die aktivistiese koerant die Boston Guardian, het 'n oproep gerig aan 'n uitgesoekte groep swart mans wat die akkommodasie -standpunt van Washington gekant was. In reaksie op hul oproep het 29 mans uit 14 state die somer in Buffalo, New York, vergader. Die groep het daarna van 11 tot 14 Julie 1905 by die Erie Beach Hotel in Ontario, naby Niagara-watervalle, oor die grens na Kanada gegaan.

Geskiedkundiges het lankal aangeneem dat Du Bois se groep die Erie Beach -vergaderplek gekies het nadat hulle verblyf in Buffalo geweier is weens rassediskriminasie. Maar meer onlangse navorsing deur plaaslike geleerdes het bevind dat hotelbestuurders in Buffalo in werklikheid destyds aan wette teen diskriminasie voldoen het, wat hierdie verduideliking onwaarskynlik maak. Volgens Du Bois se destydse eie geskrifte het die groep 'n 'stil plek buite die stad gesoek naby die water waar ons vir onsself kan wees, saam kan vergader' en toegang tot ontspanning kan hê; die Erie Beach Hotel het blykbaar aan hierdie vereistes voldoen.

Doelwitte en groei van die beweging

Tydens hul eerste vergadering het die stigterslede van die Niagara-beweging 'n grondwet en verordeninge aangeneem en 'n 'Verklaring van beginsels' opgestel wat die groep toegewy het aan die stryd vir politieke en sosiale gelykheid vir Afro-Amerikaners. 'Ons weier om die indruk te laat bly dat die Neger-Amerikaanse toestemming tot minderwaardigheid onderdanig is en om verskoning vra voor beledigings,' lui die verklaring gedeeltelik. "Aanhoudende manlike agitasie is die weg na vryheid, en na hierdie doel het die Niagara -beweging begin en vra die samewerking van alle mans van alle rasse."

Teen 1906 het die Niagara -beweging tot ongeveer 170 lede in 34 state gegroei. In Augustus het die organisasie sy eerste openbare vergadering in Harpers Ferry, Virginia, op die kampus van Storer College gehou. Sy lede het die vergaderplek gekies vanweë die historiese betekenis daarvan as die plek van John Brown se aanval op slawerny in 1859; Storer is ook gestig as 'n Baptiste -skool met die doel om voorheen slawe van mense op te voed.

Ondanks 'n mate van sukses op staatsvlak, insluitend lobby teen die wettiging van geskeide spoorwegwaens in Massachusetts, het die Niagara-beweging nie veel nasionale momentum gekry nie. Die groep het gebuk gegaan onder beperkte finansiële hulpbronne en vasberade opposisie van Washington en sy ondersteuners, sowel as interne onenigheid tussen Du Bois en Trotter oor die vraag of vroue toegelaat moet word. Trotter, wat gekant was teen die toelating van vroue tot die beweging, vertrek in 1908 om sy eie organisasie, die Negro-American Political League, te stig.

Einde van die Niagara -beweging en stigting van die NAACP

Alhoewel 'n byeenkoms van 1907 in die Faneuil Hall in Boston soveel as 800 lede gelok het, het die steun vir die Niagara -beweging gou begin afneem. Toe, in die nasleep van 'n groot rasse -oproer in Springfield, Illinois, in Augustus 1908, het Du Bois by ander prominente aktiviste, waaronder Mary White Ovington, aangesluit om 'n nuwe burgerregte -organisasie met beide swart en wit lede op te roep.

Die gevolg was die NAACP, wat in Februarie 1909 in New York gestig is. Alhoewel die Niagara -beweging sy laaste vergadering in 1908 gehou het en formeel in 1911 ontbind het, sou die meerderheid van die lede die stryd om burgerlike en politieke regte vir Afro -Amerikaners met die NAACP voortsit.

LEES MEER: Swart geskiedenis mylpale: 'n tydlyn

Bronne

Christensen, Stephanie, Niagara-beweging (1905-1909). BlackPast.org. 16 Desember 2007.

Manly, Howard, "Voor die NAACP het die Niagara -beweging geveg vir gelyke regte, menslike broederskap." Bay State Banner. 14 September 2011.

Van Ness, Cynthia, "Buffalo Hotels en die Niagara -beweging: nuwe bewyse weerlê 'n ou legende. Westerse erfenis van New York. Vol. 13 nr. 4, Winter 2011.

Niagara's Declaration of Principles, 1905. Yale Macmillan Center, Yale University.


Die “adres aan die land” van die Niagara -beweging

William Edward Burghardt (W. E. B.) Du Bois (1868–1963) was 'n Afro -Amerikaanse sosioloog, historikus, progressiewe politieke hervormer en medestigter van die National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Du Bois, 'n produktiewe skrywer en onvermoeide burgerregte -aktivis, word gereeld onthou vir sy opstelversameling uit 1903, The Souls of Black Folk, waarin hy beweer dat "die probleem van die twintigste eeu die probleem van die kleurlyn is."

Na die Burgeroorlog het baie state rasseskeiding in vervoer, verblyf en onderwys afgedwing. Die tydperk is ook gekenmerk deur die wydverspreide onteiening van Afro -Amerikaners deur middel van meningspeilings, geletterdheidstoetse en ander vereistes. Dit was veral die geval in die Jim Crow -stelsel van die suidelike state, waar sulke wette tot in die 1960's gegeld het. Du Bois protesteer teen hierdie beleid, terwyl hy terselfdertyd nasionale aandag vestig op die lynch van Afro -Amerikaners in die Suide.

In 1905 ontmoet Du Bois en nege-en-twintig ander Afro-Amerikaanse politieke aktiviste naby Niagara-watervalle om die Niagara-beweging te vorm, 'n voorganger van die NAACP. Die Niagara -beweging was 'n burgerregte -organisasie wat die politiek van swart verblyf en kompromie teenstaan, onder andere deur Booker T. Washington. In die volgende toespraak verduidelik Du Bois die doelwitte en middele van die Niagara -beweging, en gee 'n kort uiteensetting van die organisasie se teenkanting teen rassediskriminasie en ontkenning. Hierdie 'Address to the Country' was deel van die beweging se tweede jaarlikse konferensie, gehou in Harpers Ferry, Wes-Virginia, die plek waar die afskaffingster John Brown se noodlottige aanval op 'n federale wapenrusting plaasgevind het.

Bron: W. E. B. Du Bois, 'Address to the Country', toespraak by Harpers Ferry, West Virginia (19 Augustus 1906), The Broad Axe 11, no. 44, (25 Augustus 1906): 1, aanlyn beskikbaar by die Library of Congress: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn84024055/1906-08-25/ed-1/seq-1.pdf.

Die manne van die Niagara -beweging kom uit die harde werk van die jaar en staan ​​'n oomblik stil om hul daaglikse brood te verdien, en draai na die land en vra weer in die naam van tien miljoen die voorreg om te hoor. [1] Die afgelope jaar het die werk van die negerhater in die land floreer. Stap vir stap het die verdedigers van die regte van Amerikaanse burgers teruggetrek. Die werk om die stembrief van die swart man te steel, het gevorder en die vyftig en meer verteenwoordigers van gesteelde stemme sit steeds in die land se hoofstad. Diskriminasie op reis en openbare verblyf het so versprei dat sommige van ons swakker broers eintlik bang is om teen kleurdiskriminasie as sodanig te donder, en fluister eenvoudig oor gewone ordentlikheid.

Hierteen protesteer die Niagara -beweging ewig. Ons sal nie tevrede wees om 'n jota of tittel minder te neem as ons volle manlike regte nie. Ons eis vir uself elke reg wat behoort aan 'n vrygebore Amerikaanse, politieke, burgerlike en sosiale en totdat ons hierdie regte kry, sal ons nooit ophou om te protesteer en die ore van Amerika aan te val nie. Die stryd wat ons voer is nie net vir onsself nie, maar vir alle ware Amerikaners. Dit is 'n stryd om ideale, sodat hierdie, ons gewone vaderland, wat tot sy stigting vals is, in werklikheid die land van dief en die huis van die slaaf word - 'n spreekwoord en 'n gesuis onder die nasies vir sy klinkende pretensies en jammerlike prestasie. Nog nooit in die moderne tyd het 'n groot en beskaafde volk gedreig om so 'n lafhartige belydenis aan te neem in die behandeling van sy medeburgers wat op sy grond gebore en getoë is nie. Die nuwe Amerikaanse geloofsbelydenis is gestroop van woordelikheid en onderdrukking en in sy naakte ontug sê: Vrees om swart mans selfs te laat opstaan, sodat hulle nie die gelykes van die blanke word nie. En dit is die land wat bely dat hy Jesus Christus volg. Die godslastering van so 'n kursus word slegs gekenmerk deur die lafhartigheid daarvan.

In besonderhede is ons eise duidelik en onomwonde. Eerstens stem ons met stemreg: vryheid, manlikheid, die eer van u vrouens, die kuisheid van u dogters, die reg om te werk en die kans om op te staan, en laat niemand luister na diegene wat dit ontken nie .

Ons wil volle manlike stemreg hê, en ons wil dit nou, voortaan, en vir ewig.

Tweedens. Ons wil hê diskriminasie in openbare verblyf moet ophou. Die skeiding in spoor- en straatmotors, bloot gebaseer op ras en kleur, is on-Amerikaans, on-demokraties en dom. Ons protesteer teen al sulke diskriminasie.

Derde. Ons eis die vrymanne se reg om te loop, te praat en by hulle te wees wat by ons wil wees. Geen mens het die reg om 'n ander man se vriende te kies nie, en om dit te probeer doen, is 'n onbeskofte inmenging met die mees fundamentele menslike voorreg.

Vierde. Ons wil hê dat die wette teen ryk sowel as arm teen kapitalistiese sowel as arbeiders teen wit sowel as swart toegepas moet word. Ons is nie meer wetteloos as die blanke ras nie; ons word meer gereeld gearresteer, skuldig bevind en gepeuter. Ons wil geregtigheid hê, selfs vir misdadigers en oortreders. Ons wil hê dat die Grondwet van die land toegepas moet word. Ons wil hê dat die Kongres die kongresverkiesings moet neem. Ons wil hê dat die veertiende wysiging letterlik uitgevoer moet word en dat elke staat in die kongres moet word gediskfranchiseer wat poog om sy regmatige kiesers te ontreg. Ons wil hê dat die vyftiende wysiging toegepas moet word en geen staat mag sy franchise bloot op kleur baseer nie.

Die mislukking van die Republikeinse Party in die kongres tydens die sitting, wat pas gesluit is om sy pand van 1904 met betrekking tot die kiesregte in die suide af te los, lyk na 'n duidelike, doelbewuste en opsetlike beloftebreuk en stem die party as skuldig aan die verkryging van stemme onder vals voorgee. [2]

Vyfde. Ons wil ons kinders opvoed. Die skoolstelsel in die suidelike distrikte is 'n skande, en in enkele dorpe en stede is negerskole wat hulle behoort te wees. Ons wil hê dat die nasionale regering moet inspring om ongeletterdheid in die Suide uit te wis. Óf die Verenigde State sal onkunde vernietig óf onkunde sal die Verenigde State vernietig.

En as ons onderwys vra, bedoel ons werklike opvoeding. Ons glo in werk. Ons is self werkers, maar werk is nie noodwendig opvoeding nie. Onderwys is die ontwikkeling van krag en ideaal. Ons wil hê dat ons kinders opgelei moet word soos intelligente mense moet wees, en ons sal vir ewig veg teen enige voorstel om swart seuns en dogters op te voed as bediendes en onderdane, of bloot vir die gebruik van ander mense. Hulle het die reg om te weet, te dink, te strewe.

Dit is 'n paar van die belangrikste dinge wat ons wil hê. Hoe sal ons hulle kry? Deur te stem waar ons mag stem, deur aanhoudende, onophoudelike agitasie deur te hamer op die waarheid, deur opoffering en werk.

Ons glo nie in geweld nie, nie in die geminagde geweld van die aanval of die geprysde geweld van die soldaat of die barbaarse geweld van die skare nie, maar ons glo wel in John Brown, in die vleeslike gees van geregtigheid, die haat van 'n leuen, daardie bereidwilligheid om geld, reputasie en die lewe self op die altaar van reg op te offer. En hier op die toneel van John Brown se martelaarskap herwin ons onsself, ons eer, ons eiendom tot die finale emansipasie van die wedloop wat John Brown gesterf het om vry te maak.

Ons vyande, wat tans triomfeer, veg teen die sterre in hul loopbane. Geregtigheid en menslikheid moet seëvier. Ons lewe om vir hierdie donker broers van ons te sê- verstrooid in raad, wankelrig en swak- dat geen omkoopgeld of bekendheid, geen belofte van rykdom of roem die oorgawe van 'n volksmanlikheid of die verlies van 'n man se self werd is nie respek. Ons weier om die leierskap van hierdie wedloop aan lafaards en vragmotors oor te gee. Ons is mans, ons sal as mans behandel word. Op hierdie rots het ons ons baniere geplant. Ons sal nooit opgee nie, alhoewel die troef van ondergang ons nog steeds veg.

En ons sal wen. Die verlede het dit belowe die hede voorspel dit. Dankie Here vir John Brown! Dankie Here vir Garrison en Douglass! Sumner en Phillips, Nat Turner en Robert Gould Shaw, en al die heilige dooies wat gesterf het vir vryheid! [3] Dank God vir almal wat vandag is, al is hulle min, wat nie die goddelike broederskap van alle wit en swart, ryk en arm, gelukkig en ongelukkig vergeet het nie.

Ons doen 'n beroep op die jongmanne en -vroue van hierdie nasie, op diegene wie se neusgate nog nie besmet is deur hebsug en snobisme en rasse -vernouing: Staan op vir die reg, bewys dat u u erfenis waardig is en of gebore noord of suid dit waag om mans te behandel as mans. Kan die nasie wat tien miljoen buitelanders sonder katastrofe in sy politieke lewe opgeneem het, nie tien miljoen neger -Amerikaners in dieselfde politieke lewe absorbeer nie as wat hul onregverdige en onwettige uitsluiting behels?

Moed, broers! Die stryd om die mensdom is nie verlore of verlore nie. Regoor die lug is daar tekens van belofte. Die Slaaf is besig om in sy sterkte op te staan, die geel miljoene proe vryheid, die swart Afrikane kronkel na die lig, en oral stem die arbeider met stembriewe in die hand die poorte van geleentheid en vrede oop. Die oggend breek oor bebloede heuwels. Ons moet nie wankel nie, ons mag nie krimp nie. Hierbo is die ewige sterre.


(1906) W.E.B. Du Bois, “Manne van Niagara ”

In 1906, een jaar nadat die Niagara -beweging gestig is, het dit sy tweede jaarvergadering gehou by Harper ’s Ferry, West Virginia. W.E.B. Du Bois, 'n stigterslid en sy titulêre leier, het die onderstaande adres aan die vergaderde burgerregte -aktiviste gegee.

Die manne van die Niagara -beweging kom uit die harde werk van die jaar en wag 'n rukkie nadat hulle hul daaglikse brood verdien het, draai na die land en vra weer, in die naam van tien miljoen, die voorreg om te hoor.

Die afgelope jaar het die werk van die negerhater in die land floreer. Stap vir stap het die verdedigers van die regte van Amerikaanse burgers teruggetrek. Die werk om die stembrief van die swart man te steel, het gevorder en meer as vyftig verteenwoordigers van gesteelde stemme sit steeds in die land se hoofstad. Diskriminasie in reise en openbare verblyf het so versprei dat sommige van ons swakker broers eintlik bang is om te donder teen kleurdiskriminasie as sodanig en fluister bloot vir gewone ordentlikheid. Hierteen protesteer die Niagara -beweging ewig. Ons sal nie tevrede wees om een ​​grap of titel minder te neem as ons volle manlikheidsregte nie!

Ons eis vir uself elke reg wat aan 'n vrygebore Amerikaner, polities, burgerlik en sosiaal behoort, en totdat ons hierdie regte kry, sal ons nooit ophou om te protesteer en die ore van Amerika aan te val nie! Die stryd wat ons voer is nie net vir onsself nie, maar vir alle ware Amerikaners. Dit is 'n stryd om ideale, sodat hierdie, ons gewone vaderland, wat tot sy stigting vals is, in werklikheid nie die land van dief en die huis van die slaaf word nie, 'n woord en gesuis onder die nasies vir sy klinkende pretensies en jammerlike prestasies .

Nog nooit in die moderne tyd het 'n groot en beskaafde volk gedreig om so 'n lafhartige geloofsbelydenis aan te neem in die behandeling van sy medeburgers wat op die grond gebore en getoë is nie. Die nuwe Amerikaanse geloofsbelydenis, ontneem van woordelikheid en onderdrukking en in sy naakte onheil, sê: “ Vrees dat swart mans selfs probeer opstaan, sodat hulle nie die gelykes van die blanke word nie. ” En dit is die land wat beweer dat hy Jesus volg Christus! Die godslastering van so 'n kursus word slegs gekenmerk deur die lafhartigheid daarvan.

In besonderhede is ons eise duidelik en onomwonde. Eerstens stem ons met stemreg: vryheid, manlikheid, die eer van u vrouens, die kuisheid van u dogters, die reg om te werk en die kans om op te staan, en laat niemand luister na diegene wat dit ontken nie .

Ons wil volle stemreg hê, en ons wil dit nou, voortaan en vir ewig!

Tweedens. Ons wil hê diskriminasie in openbare verblyf moet ophou. Die skeiding in spoor- en straatmotors, bloot gebaseer op ras en kleur, is on-Amerikaans, ondemokraties en dom.

Derde. Ons eis die vrymanne se reg om te loop, te praat en by hulle te wees wat by ons wil wees. Geen mens het die reg om 'n ander man se vriend te kies nie, en om dit te probeer doen, is 'n onbeskofte inmenging met die mees fundamentele menslike voorreg.

Vierde. Ons wil hê dat die wette teen ryk sowel as arm teen kapitalistiese sowel as arbeiders teen wit sowel as swart toegepas moet word. Ons is nie meer wetteloos as die blanke ras nie: ons word meer gereeld gearresteer, skuldig bevind en gepeuter. Ons wil hê dat die kongres die leiding neem oor die kongresverkiesings. Ons wil hê dat die veertiende wysiging letterlik uitgevoer moet word en dat elke staat in die kongres moet word gediskfranchiseer wat poog om sy regmatige kiesers te ontreg. Ons wil hê dat die vyftiende wysiging toegepas moet word en geen staat mag sy franchise bloot op kleur baseer nie.

Die mislukking van die Republikeinse Party in die kongres tydens die sessie wat pas gesluit is om sy belofte vir die verkiesingsvoorwaardes in die Suide af te los, lyk na 'n duidelike, doelbewuste en opsetlike beloftebreuk en stem die party as skuldig aan die verkryging van stemme onder valse voorwendsel.

Vyfde. Ons wil ons kinders opvoed. Die skoolstelsel in die suidelike distrikte is 'n skande, en in 'n paar dorpe en stede is die negerskole wat hulle behoort te wees. Ons wil hê dat die nasionale regering moet inspring om ongeletterdheid in die Suide uit te wis. Óf die Verenigde State sal onkunde vernietig, óf onkunde sal die Verenigde State vernietig.

En as ons onderwys vra, bedoel ons werklike opvoeding. Ons glo in werk. Ons is self werkers, maar werk is nie noodwendig opvoeding nie. Onderwys is die ontwikkeling van krag en ideaal. Ons wil hê dat ons kinders opgelei moet word soos intelligente mense moet wees, en ons sal vir altyd stry teen enige voorstel om swart seuns en dogters op te voed as bediendes en onderdane, of bloot vir die gebruik van ander mense. Hulle het die reg om te weet, te dink, te strewe.

Dit is 'n paar van die belangrikste dinge wat ons wil hê. Hoe sal ons hulle kry? Deur te stem waar ons mag stem, deur aanhoudende, onophoudelike agitasie, deur te hamer op die waarheid, deur opoffering en werk.

Ons glo nie in geweld nie, nie in die geminagde geweld van die aanval of die geprysde geweld van die soldaat of die barbaar van die skare nie, maar ons glo wel in John Brown, in die vleeslike gees van geregtigheid, die haat van 'n leuen , die bereidwilligheid om geld, reputasie en die lewe self op die altaar van reg op te offer. En hier op die toneel van John Brown se martelaarskap herwy ons onsself, ons eer, ons eiendom tot die finale emansipasie van die wedloop wat John Brown gesterf het om vry te maak.

Ons vyande, wat tans triomfeer, veg teen die sterre in hul loopbane. Geregtigheid en menslikheid moet seëvier. Ons leef om vir hierdie donker broers van ons te sê dat ons, wankelrig en swak, versprei is dat geen omkoopgeld of bekendheid, geen belofte van rykdom of roem die oorgawe van 'n volksmanlikheid of die verlies van 'n man werd is nie. #8217 se selfrespek. Ons weier om die leierskap van hierdie wedloop aan lafaards en vragmotors oor te gee. Ons is mans, ons sal as mans behandel word. Op hierdie rots het ons ons baniere geplant. Ons sal nooit opgee nie, alhoewel die troef van ondergang ons nog steeds veg.

En ons sal wen! Die verlede het dit belowe. Die hede voorspel dit. Dank God vir John Brown. Dank God vir Garrison en Douglass, Sumner en Phillips, Nat Turner en Robert Gould Shaw, en al die geheiligde dooies wat gesterf het vir vryheid. Dank God vir almal wat vandag is, al is daar min stemme wat nie die goddelike broederskap van alle mense vergeet het nie, wit en swart, ryk en arm, gelukkig en ongelukkig.

Ons doen 'n beroep op die jongmanne en -vroue van hierdie nasie, op diegene wie se neusgate nog nie deur hebsug en snobisme en rasse -vernouing geraak word nie: Staan op vir die reg, bewys dat u u erfenis waardig is, en of dit noord of suid gebore is, durf dit aan behandel mans as mans. Kan die nasie wat tien miljoen buitelanders sonder katastrofe in sy politieke lewe opgeneem het, nie tien miljoen neger-Amerikaners in dieselfde politieke lewe absorbeer nie as wat hul onregverdige en onwettige uitsluiting behels?

Moed, broers! Die stryd om die mensdom is nie verlore of verlore nie. Regoor die lug is daar tekens van belofte! Die Slaaf styg uit sy mag, die geel miljoene proe vryheid, die swart Afrikane kronkel na die lig, en oral stem die arbeider met stembriewe in die hand die poorte van geleentheid en vrede oop.

Die oggend breek oor bloedbevlekte heuwels. Ons moet nie wankel nie, ons mag nie krimp nie.


Mark Sommer Referate

Mark Sommer is 'n ontdekkingsreisiger, storieverteller en bekroonde openbare radio- en drukjoernalis wat fokus op voorspraak en vertellings oor sosiale, politieke en omgewingsverandering en positiewe optrede. In Washington, DC, was Sommer byderhand vir 'n paar belangrike oomblikke van die 1960's, waar hy betrokke was by die Liberation News Service en die dinkskrum New Left, die Institute for Policy Studies. Sommer verhuis in 1969 na Kalifornië om die teenkultuur te verken, en reis etlike jare lank-geestelik, psigedelies en fisies tussen gemeentes, plase en woestynopstal langs die westelike kus-voordat hy en sy vrou 'n selfstandige organiese opstal in die diepte bou bosse in die noordelike CA, waar hulle van die 1970's tot die 1990's gewoon het. Die veerkragtigheid van die natuur het Sommer se siening en werk as skrywer en joernalis diep beïnvloed, wat sy belangstelling in die menslike vermoë om teëspoed te oorkom, aangewakker het. Sommer het die Mainstream Media Project, 'n nie-winsgewende mediaplasingsdiens, gestig en gelei vir vooraanstaande denkers en sosiale innoveerders vir uitgebreide radio-onderhoude, en Sommer was gasheer en uitvoerende vervaardiger van die internasionaal gesindikeerde en bekroonde weeklikse radioprogram van een uur, 'N Wêreld van moontlikhede. Sommer is die skrywer van drie boeke (Beyond the Bomb, The Conquest of War, en Lewe in vryheid), en honderde publikasies in groot koerante wêreldwyd. Huidige projekte sluit in kort- en filmlengtevideo's gemaak uit sy foto's, films, onderhoude en ervarings.

Die Mark Sommer Papers is 'n uitgebreide versameling wat die hele loopbaan en persoonlike lewe van Sommer van die laat 1960's tot die hede dek. Geskrifte bevat persoonlike en veelvuldige reisjoernale (insluitend 'n unieke reis na Noord-Viëtnam in 1968), korrespondensie, opstelle van studente, artikels, artikels, projek- en toekenningsplanne, memoires en boekmanuskripte. Bykomende tydskrifte bestaan ​​in klankformaat, saam met radio -onderhoude waar Sommer as gas gedien het. Skyfies, foto's en films dek Sommer se gesins- en huislewe vir sy omvattende reise en belange. Enkele hoofdekkings van die dekking sluit in buitelandse beleid en internasionale politiek, progressivisme, vredes- en konflikstudies, die bewegings teen kernwapens en ontwapening, wildernis en terug-na-die-land ervarings, en later vaderskap. Materiaal van Mainstream Media Project is in die Mainstream Media Project Records geskei.


Die Niagara -beweging word 100

The Niagara Movement & mdash 'n burgerregte -organisasie wat eers byeengekom het naby Buffalo en die Niagara -waterval in die staat New York en mdash word vanjaar 100 jaar oud. Die baanbreker -burgerregte -organisasie het uiteindelik verander in die NAACP. Eileen Buckley van lidstasie WBFO in Buffalo, NY, berig.

Die NAACP het onlangs sy raadsvergadering in Buffalo, New York, gehou, 'n geskikte plek sedert die stad die 100ste herdenking van die Niagara -beweging vier. Die beweging het gelei tot die totstandkoming van die NAACP. Van Buffalo se lidstasie WBFO, berig Eileen Buckley.

Gedurende die 1800's was Buffalo se Michigan Street Baptist Church die laaste stop langs die Underground Railroad vir ontsnapte slawe wat probeer het om Kanada te bereik, tonele wat gereeld deur 'n Buffel-gebaseerde teatergroep genaamd Motherland Connections herhaal word.

(Klankgreep van teaterproduksie)

Onbekende man: ek hoor perde.

Onbekende vrou #1: En ek hoor hulle kom.

Onbekende vrou #2: Komaan!

Onbekende vrou #1: hou aan kom!

Onbekende vrou #2: Komaan, almal!

BUCKLEY: Buffalo se Michigan Street Baptist Church was ook die plek van 'n protesoptog wat indirek sou lei tot die stigting van die Niagara -beweging. In 1900 het 'n plaaslike welgestelde Afro-Amerikaanse vrou met die naam Mary Talbert 'n beroep op amptenare van die Pan-Amerikaanse uitstalling gedoen om 'n swart uitstalling in te sluit. Die ervaring sou daartoe lei dat Mary Talbert en haar man, William, ander oorsake aangaan. Vyf jaar later het die Talberts 'n vergadering in hul huis aangebied om 'n strategie teen konserwatiewe Booker T. Washington te beplan. Daar was 29 swart intellektuele van regoor die land. Die beraad is gelei deur die geleerde W.E.B. Du Bois.

Dr Lillian Williams is 'n historikus aan die Universiteit in Buffalo. Williams sê Du Bois het 'n plek gesoek om 'n geheime byeenkoms van opgevoede aktiviste te hou.

Dr LILLIAN WILLIAMS (Universiteit in Buffalo): Buffalo het hulle die geleentheid gebied om mense soos William Talbert te ontmoet. Dit was naby Kanada.

BUCKLEY: Du Bois, die Talberts en ander het hul visier oor die grens tussen die VSA en die Kanadese op die nabygeleë Ft. Erie, in die skadu van die Niagara -waterval. Weereens, Dr Lillian Williams.

Dr WILLIAMS: Behuising was nie beskikbaar om hul vergadering te hou nie. Verder was daar geen oorde in die omgewing wat Afro-Amerikaners kon huisves nie, en Ft. Erie het dit gegee.

BUCKLEY: Buffalo, soos baie destyds in die VSA, was moontlik nie 'n veilige plek om 'n strategie vir burgerregte in kaart te bring nie, maar dit was 'n goeie wegspringpunt om 'n langtermynveldtog vir stemreg en teen wydverspreide lynch van swartes. Dit was tydens die eerste ontmoeting in die huis van Mary en William Talbert dat Du Bois en die ander mans 'n stel beginsels opgestel het wat die grondslag vir die Niagara -beweging vorm. En hoewel Mary Talbert uitgesluit is van die byeenkoms van mans, word hierdie dogter van Buffalo erkenning daarvoor dat sy gehelp het om die land se burgerregte -agenda te bevorder. Sy is verkies tot president van die National Association of Colored Women in 1916 en dien later in die NAACP -raad. Vroeër hierdie maand is sy opgeneem in die Women's Hall of Fame.

(Klankgreep van verkeer in die agtergrond)

B. GWENDOLYN GREENE: Buffalo was trots op haar omdat sy 'n vrou was wat aan die Oberlin College in Ohio opgelei is. Sy het nogal gereis. Sy was regtig op aanvraag as spreker.

BUCKLEY: B. Gwendolyn Greene van Buffalo sê haar ouma en Mary Talbert was goeie vriende by die Michigan Street Church. Chris Mesiah, president van Buffalo se NAACP -hoofstuk, staan ​​op 'n parkeerterrein en wys trots na die gebied waar Talbert se huis eens gestaan ​​het.

Mnr. FRANK MESIAH (president, Buffalo Chapter, NAACP): Sy het een van die Springarn-medaljes ontvang, wat was-dit is 'n nasionale medalje wat deur die National NAACP gegee is.

BUCKLEY: In die buurtblok wat die voormalige huis van Talbert insluit, onderneem Buffalo nou groot infrastruktuurverbeterings om die Michigan Avenue Heritage Corridor te skep. Afro-Amerikaners en stadsleiers wil hê dat dit 'n nasionale toeristebestemming moet word, wat die plek van die geheime vergaderings aandui wat gelei het tot die stigting van die Niagara-beweging. Vir NPR News is ek Eileen Buckley in Buffalo.

Kopiereg en kopie 2005 NPR. Alle regte voorbehou. Besoek ons ​​webwerf se gebruiksvoorwaardes en toestemmingsbladsye op www.npr.org vir meer inligting.

NPR -transkripsies word vinnig gemaak deur Verb8tm, Inc., 'n NPR -kontrakteur, en vervaardig met behulp van 'n eie transkripsieproses wat saam met NPR ontwikkel is. Hierdie teks is moontlik nie in die finale vorm nie en kan in die toekoms opgedateer of hersien word. Die akkuraatheid en beskikbaarheid kan wissel. Die gesaghebbende rekord van NPR & rsquos -programmering is die klankopname.


Niagara Bewegingsverklaring van beginsels

Opsomming van die beginselsverklaring van die Niagara -beweging
Opsomming: Die beroemde beginselverklaring van die Niagara -beweging weerspieël die gevoelens van 'n groep Afro -Amerikaanse intellektuele en professionele persone oor die onderdrukking van hul burgerregte, asook griewe en klagtes oor die ontkenning van gelyke geleenthede in die ekonomie, skoolopleiding en behuising, diskriminasie oor ras of kleur en protes teen die segregasiebeleid van Jim Crow.

Niagara -bewegingsverklaring van beginsels vir kinders
Theodore Roosevelt was die 26ste Amerikaanse president wat van 14 September 1901 tot 4 Maart 1909 in sy amp gedien het. Een van die belangrike gebeurtenisse tydens sy presidentskap was die Niagara Movement Declaration of Principles deur burgerregte -aktivis, W. E. B. Du Bois.

Niagara -bewegingsverklaring van beginsels Feite vir kinders: vinnige feiteblad
Vinnige, prettige feite en algemene vrae oor die beginselsverklaring van die Niagara -beweging.

Wie het die Niagara Movement Declaration of Principles geskryf? Die beginselverklaring van die Niagara -beweging was hoofsaaklik die werk van William Edward Burghardt Du Bois en William Monroe Trotter

Wanneer is die beginselverklaring van die Niagara -beweging geskryf? Die beginselverklaring van die Niagara -beweging is gedurende die week van 9 Julie 1905 opgestel tydens die stigtingsvergadering van die Niagara -beweging.

Wat is die beginselverklaring van die Niagara -beweging? Die Niagara Movement Declaration of Principles behandel die kwessies van gelyke regte en rassediskriminasie met betrekking tot ekonomiese geleenthede, onderwys, die howe, gesondheid, werkgewers en vakbonde, behuising en protesteer teen die behandeling van WW1 -soldate en Jim Crow -beleid.

Teks van die beginselverklaring van die Niagara -beweging

Niagara Bewegingsverklaring van beginsels

Gelewer tydens die eerste konferensie van die Niagara -beweging
by die Niagara -waterval gedurende die week van 9 Julie 1905

Die vordering: Die lede van die konferensie, bekend as die Niagara-beweging, het op 11 Julie 1905 tydens 'n jaarvergadering bymekaargekom in Buffalo, en wens die Negro-Amerikaners geluk met sekere ongetwyfelde bewyse van vordering die afgelope dekade, veral die toename in intelligensie, die buying of property, the checking of crime, the uplift in home life, the advance in literature and art, and the demonstration of constructive and executive ability in the conduct of great religious, economic, and educational institutions.

Suffrage: At the same time, we believe that this class of American citizens should protest emphatically and continually against the curtailment of their political rights. We believe in manhood suffrage we believe that no man is so good, intelligent or wealthy as to be entrusted wholly with the welfare of his neighbor.

Civil Liberty: We believe also in protest against the curtailment of our civil rights. All American citizens have the right to equal treatment in places of public entertainment according to their behavior and deserts.

Economic Opportunity: We especially complain against the denial of equal opportunities to us in economic life in the rural districts of the South this amounts to peonage and virtual slavery all over the South it tends to crush labor and small business enterprises and everywhere American prejudice, helped often by iniquitous laws, is making it more difficult for Negro-Americans to earn a decent living.

Education: Common school education should be free to all American children and compulsory. High school training should be adequately provided for all, and college training should be the monopoly of no class or race in any section of our common country. We believe that, in defense of our own institutions, the United States should aid common school education, particularly in the South, and we especially recommend concerted agitation to this end. We urge an increase in public high school facilities in the South, where the Negro-Americans are almost wholly without such provisions. We favor well-equipped trade and technical schools for the training of artisans, and the need of adequate and liberal endowment for a few institutions of higher education must be patent to sincere well-wishers of the race.

Courts: We demand upright judges in courts, juries selected without discrimination on account of color and the same measure of punishment and the same efforts at reformation for black as for white offenders. We need orphanages and farm schools for dependent children, juvenile reformatories for delinquents, and the abolition of the dehumanizing convict-lease system.

Public Opinion: We note with alarm the evident retrogression in this and of land of sound public opinion on the subject of manhood rights, republican government and human brotherhood, and we pray God that this nation will not degenerate into a mob of boasters and oppressors, but rather will return to the faith of the fathers, that all men were created free and equal, with certain unalienable rights.

Health: We plead for health - for an opportunity to live in decent houses and localities, for a chance to rear our children in physical and moral cleanliness.

Employers and Labor Unions: We hold up for public execration the conduct of tow opposite classes of men: The practice among employers of importing ignorant Negro-Americans laborers in emergencies, and then affording them neither protection nor permanent employment, and the practice of labor unions in proscribing and boycotting and oppressing thousands of their fellow-toilers, simply because they are black. These methods have accentuated and will accentuate the war of labor and capital, and they are disgraceful to both sides.

Protest: We refuse to allow the impression to remain that the Negro-American assents to inferiority, is submissive under oppression and apologetic before insults. Through helplessness we may submit, but the voice of protest of ten million Americans must never cease to assail the ears of their follows, so long as America is unjust.

Color-Line: Any discrimination based simply on race or color is barbarous, we care not how hallowed it be by custom expediency or prejudice. Differences made on account of ignorance, immorality, or disease are legitimate methods of fighting evil, and against them we have no word of protest, but discriminations based simply and solely on physical peculiarities, place of birth, color of skin, are relics of that unreasoning human savagery of which the world is and ought to be thoroughly ashamed.

"Jim Crow" Cars: We protest against the "Jim Crow" car, since its effect is and must be to make us pay first-class fare for third-class accommodations, render us open to insults and discomfort and to crucify wantonly our womanhood and self-respect.

Soldiers: We regret that his nation has never seen fit adequately to reward the black soldiers who, in its five wars, have defended their county with their blood, and yet have been systematically denied the promotions which their abilities deserve. And we regard as unjust, the exclusion of black boys from the military and naval training schools.

War Amendments: We urge upon Congress the enactment of appropriate legislation for securing the proper enforcement of those articles of freedom, the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amendments of the Constitution of the United States.

Oppression: We repudiate the monstrous doctrine that the oppressor should be the sole authority as to the rights of the oppressed. The Negro race in America stolen, ravished and degraded, struggling up through difficulties and oppression, needs sympathy and receives criticism: needs help and is given hindrance, needs protection and is given mob-violence, needs justice and is given charity, needs leadership and is given cowardice and apology, needs bread and is given a stone. This nation will never stand justified before God until these things are changed.

The Church: Especially are we surprised and astonished at the recent attitude of the church of Christ - of an increase of a desire to bow to racial prejudice, to narrow the bounds of human brotherhood, and to segregate black men to some outer sanctuary. This is wrong, unchristian and disgraceful to the twentieth century civilization.

Agitation: Of the above grievance we do not hesitate to complain, and to complain loudly and insistently. To ignore, overlook, or apologize for these wrongs is to prove ourselves unworthy of freedom. Persistent manly agitation is the way to liberty, and toward this goal the Niagara Movement has started and asks the cooperation of all men of all races.

Help: At the same time we want to acknowledge with deep thankfulness the help of our fellowmen from the Abolitionists down to those who today still stand for equal opportunity and who have given and still give of their wealth and of their poverty for our advancement.

Duties: And while we are demanding and ought to demand, and will continue to demand the rights enumerated above, God forbid that we should ever forget to urge corresponding duties upon our people:
1.The duty to vote.
2.The duty to respect the rights of others.
3.The duty to work.
4.The duty to obey the laws.
5.The duty to be clean and orderly.
6.The duty to send our children to school.
7.The duty to respect ourselves, even as we respect others.

This statement, complaint and prayer we submit to the American people, and Almighty God.

T he Niagara Movement: African American History
For visitors interested in the history of African Americans refer to the following articles:


The Niagara Movement

At the dawn of the twentieth century, the outlook for full civil rights for African Americans was at a precarious crossroads. Failed Reconstruction, the Supreme Court's separate but equal doctrine (Plessy v. Ferguson), coupled with Booker T. Washington's accommodationist policies threatened to compromise any hope for full and equal rights under the law.

Harvard educated William Edward Burghardt Du Bois committed himself to a bolder course, moving well beyond the calculated appeal for limited civil rights. He acted in 1905 by drafting a "Call" to a few select people. The Call had two purposes "organized determination and aggressive action on the part of men who believed in Negro freedom and growth," and opposition to "present methods of strangling honest criticism."

Du Bois gathered a group of men representing every region of the country except the West. They hoped to meet in Buffalo, New York. When refused accommodation, the members migrated across the border to Canada. Twenty-nine men met at the Erie Beach Hotel in Ontario. The Niagarites adopted a constitution and by-laws, established committees and wrote the "Declaration of Principles" outlining the future for African Americans. After three days, they returned across the border with a renewed sense of resolve in the struggle for freedom and equality.

Thirteen months later, from August 15 - 19, 1906, the Niagara Movement held its first public meeting in the United States on the campus of Storer College in Harpers Ferry, West Virginia. Harpers Ferry was symbolic for a number of reasons. First and foremost was the connection to John Brown. It was at Harpers Ferry in 1859 that Brown's raid against slavery struck a blow for freedom. Many felt it was John Brown who fired the first shot of the Civil War. By the latter part of the nineteenth century, John Brown's Fort had become a shrine and a symbol of freedom to African Americans, Union soldiers and the nation's Abolitionists. Harpers Ferry was also the home of Storer College. Freewill Baptists opened Storer in 1867 as a mission school to educate former slaves. For twenty-five years Storer was the only school in West Virginia that offered African Americans an education beyond the primary level.

The Niagarites arrived in Harpers Ferry with passion in their hearts and high hopes that their voices would be heard and action would result. They were now more than fifty strong. Women also attended this historic gathering where, on August 17, 1906, they were granted full and equal membership to the organization.

The week was filled with many inspirational speeches, meetings, special addresses and commemorative ceremonies. Max Barber, editor of The Voice of the Negro said, "A more suitable place for the meeting of the Niagara Movement than Harpers Ferry would have been hard to find. I must confess that I had never yet felt as I felt in Harpers Ferry."

A highlight for those gathered was John Brown's Day. It was a day devoted to honoring the memory of John Brown. At 6:00 a.m. a silent pilgrimage began to John Brown's Fort. The members removed their shoes and socks as they tread upon the "hallowed ground" where the fort stood. The assemblage then marched single-file around the fort singing "The Battle Hymn of the Republic" and "John Brown's Body."

The inspirational morning was followed by an equally stirring afternoon. The Niagarites listened to Henrietta Leary Evans whose brother and nephew fought along side Brown at Harpers Ferry, then Lewis Douglass, son of Frederick Douglass, and finally Reverdy C. Ransom, pastor of the Charles Street African Methodist Episcopal Church in Boston. Ransom's speech on John Brown was described as a "masterpiece." The late black scholar, Dr. Benjamin Quarles, called the address, "…the most stirring single episode in the life of the Niagara Movement."

The conference concluded on Sunday, August 19th, with the reading of "An Address to the Country," penned by W.E.B. Du Bois. "We will not be satisfied to take one jot or tittle less than our full manhood rights. We claim for ourselves every single right that belongs to a freeborn American, political, civil and social and until we get these rights we will never cease to protest and assail the ears of America. The battle we wage is not for ourselves alone but for all true Americans."

The Niagara Movement laid the cornerstone of the modern civil rights era. A new movement found a voice. The organization continued until 1911, when almost all of its members became the backbone of the newly formed National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). There, the men and women of the Niagara Movement recommitted themselves to the ongoing call for justice and the struggle for equality.

With thunderous applause, the Harpers Ferry conference drew to a close. Years later recalling this conference, Du Bois referred to it as "…one of the greatest meetings that American Negroes ever held."


Niagara Movement Speech

The men of the Niagara Movement coming from the toil of the year’s hard work and pausing a moment from the earning of their daily bread turn toward the nation and again ask in the name of ten million the privilege of a hearing. In the past year the work of the Negro hater has flourished in the land. Step by step the defenders of the rights of American citizens have retreated. The work of stealing the black man’s ballot has progressed and the fifty and more representatives of stolen votes still sit in the nation’s capital. Discrimination in travel and public accommodation has so spread that some of our weaker brethren are actually afraid to thunder against color discrimination as such and are simply whispering for ordinary decencies.

Against this the Niagara Movement eternally protests. We will not be satisfied to take one jot or tittle less than our full manhood rights. We claim for ourselves every single right that belongs to a freeborn American, political, civil and social and until we get these rights we will never cease to protest and assail the ears of America. The battle we wage is not for ourselves alone but for all true Americans. It is a fight for ideals, lest this, our common fatherland, false to its founding, become in truth the land of the thief and the home of the Slave–a by-word and a hissing among the nations for its sounding pretensions and pitiful accomplishment. Never before in the modern age has a great and civilized folk threatened to adopt so cowardly a creed in the treatment of its fellow-citizens born and bred on its soil. Stripped of verbiage and subterfuge and in its naked nastiness the new American creed says: Fear to let black men even try to rise lest they become the equals of the white. And this is the land that professes to follow Jesus Christ. The blasphemy of such a course is only matched by its cowardice.

In detail our demands are clear and unequivocal. First, we would vote with the right to vote goes everything: Freedom, manhood, the honor of your wives, the chastity of your daughters, the right to work, and the chance to rise, and let no man listen to those who deny this.

We want full manhood suffrage, and we want it now, henceforth and forever.

Second. We want discrimination in public accommodation to cease. Separation in railway and street cars, based simply on race and color, is un-American, un-democratic, and silly. We protest against all such discrimination.

Third. We claim the right of freemen to walk, talk, and be with them that wish to be with us. No man has a right to choose another man’s friends, and to attempt to do so is an impudent interference with the most fundamental human privilege.

Fourth. We want the laws enforced against rich as well as poor against Capitalist as well as Laborer against white as well as black. We are not more lawless than the white race, we are more often arrested, convicted, and mobbed. We want justice even for criminals and outlaws. We want the Constitution of the country enforced. We want Congress to take charge of Congressional elections. We want the Fourteenth amendment carried out to the letter and every State disfranchised in Congress which attempts to disfranchise its rightful voters. We want the Fifteenth amendment enforced and No State allowed to base its franchise simply on color.

The failure of the Republican Party in Congress at the session just closed to redeem its pledge of 1904 with reference to suffrage conditions at the South seems a plain, deliberate, and premeditated breach of promise, and stamps that party as guilty of obtaining votes under false pretense.

Fifth, We want our children educated. The school system in the country districts of the South is a disgrace and in few towns and cities are Negro schools what they ought to be. We want the national government to step in and wipe out illiteracy in the South. Either the United States will destroy ignorance or ignorance will destroy the United States.

And when we call for education we mean real education. We believe in work. We ourselves are workers, but work is not necessarily education. Education is the development of power and ideal. We want our children trained as intelligent human beings should be, and we will fight for all time against any proposal to educate black boys and girls simply as servants and underlings, or simply for the use of other people. They have a right to know, to think, to aspire.

These are some of the chief things which we want. How shall we get them? By voting where we may vote, by persistent, unceasing agitation by hammering at the truth, by sacrifice and work.

We do not believe in violence, neither in the despised violence of the raid nor the lauded violence of the soldier, nor the barbarous violence of the mob, but we do believe in John Brown, in that incarnate spirit of justice, that hatred of a lie, that willingness to sacrifice money, reputation, and life itself on the altar of right. And here on the scene of John Brown’s martyrdom we reconsecrate ourselves, our honor, our property to the final emancipation of the race which John Brown died to make free.

Our enemies, triumphant for the present, are fighting the stars in their courses. Justice and humanity must prevail. We live to tell these dark brothers of ours–scattered in counsel, wavering and weak–that no bribe of money or notoriety, no promise of wealth or fame, is worth the surrender of a people’s manhood or the loss of a man’s self-respect. We refuse to surrender the leadership of this race to cowards and trucklers. We are men we will be treated as men. On this rock we have planted our banners. We will never give up, though the trump of doom finds us still fighting.

En ons sal wen. The past promised it, the present foretells it. Thank God for John Brown! Thank God for Garrison and Douglass! Sumner and Phillips, Nat Turner and Robert Gould Shaw, and all the hallowed dead who died for freedom! Thank God for all those to-day, few though their voices be, who have not forgotten the divine brotherhood of all men white and black, rich and poor, fortunate and unfortunate.

We appeal to the young men and women of this nation, to those whose nostrils are not yet befouled by greed and snobbery and racial narrowness: Stand up for the right, prove yourselves worthy of your heritage and whether born north or south dare to treat men as men. Cannot the nation that has absorbed ten million foreigners into its political life without catastrophe absorb ten million Negro Americans into that same political life at less cost than their unjust and illegal exclusion will involve?

Courage brothers! The battle for humanity is not lost or losing. All across the skies sit signs of promise. The Slav is raising in his might, the yellow millions are tasting liberty, the black Africans are writhing toward the light, and everywhere the laborer, with ballot in his hand, is voting open the gates of Opportunity and Peace. The morning breaks over blood-stained hills. We must not falter, we may not shrink. Above are the everlasting stars.


Honouring Black history along the Niagara River

Discover some of Canada’s most poignant stories of freedom and courage with Niagara Parks’ extensive collection of displays and monuments honouring Black Canadian history.

Follow the scenic Niagara River Parkway from Fort Erie north to the shores of Lake Ontario in Niagara-on-the-Lake, and learn about Niagara’s role in the legendary Underground Railroad that led an estimated 40,000 slaves to freedom throughout the 19th century. Along the way, stand in the spot where Harriet Tubman first crossed into Canada in 1856, witness the safe house where fugitive slaves hid from American bounty hunters and see the printing press that printed Canada’s 1793 Act Against Slavery.

Whether driving leisurely along the Parkway, or walking or cycling the 56-km (35 mi) Niagara River Recreation Trail, you’ll encounter a number of opportunities to enrich your experience with over 20 plaques and displays highlighting some of Canada’s most historic moments that unfolded right here in the Niagara region.

Use our map to help you plan out your journey to explore Black Canadian history along the Niagara River!

Niagara’s Freedom Trail

Niagara’s Freedom Trail honours the thousands of African American slaves that found freedom in Canada. Between 1796 and 1949, the Underground Railroad aided an estimated 40,000 African American slaves in their escape to the more tolerant northern American states, or ultimately to the freedom of Canada. Fort Erie, Ontario became a popular crossing for freedom seekers because of its proximity to Buffalo, New York. Ferry operators aided fugitive slaves and used a secret system of codes and symbols to distinguish bona fide passengers from potential spies.

Location: Look for the plaque located on a rock next to the Niagara River Parkway Trail. (108 Lakeshore Road, Fort Erie, Ontario)

Bertie Street Ferry Landing & Freedom Park

The Bertie Street Ferry landing was the longest operating ferry dock used by freedom seekers and the site were thousands of fugitive slaves first set foot in Canada. It was an activity hub that served not only as a crossing point between Canada and the United States, but also as a customs, immigration, vehicle registration and a railroad station. The last ferry transporting people and vehicles to Fort Erie arrived at the Bertie Street Ferry Landing on September 2, 1950. Freedom Park was established at the site to honour the thousands of African American slaves that found sanctuary and experienced freedom for the first time in Canada.

Location: Freedom Park is located on the river side between the Niagara Parks Marina and the nearby restaurant. (148 Niagara Boulevard, Fort Erie, Ontario)

Little Africa

Little Africa was a popular settlement for freedom seekers arriving in Canada during the 1840s. Many of the inhabitants were employed cutting wood for fuel used by the nearby railways that ran through the settlement and steamboats that plied the Niagara River. The population of Little Africa grew to approximately 200 and declined in 1880 because of decreasing demand for wood in the area. A nearby graveyard remains as a legacy to this once thriving community of industrious Black Canadians.

Location: Look for a plaque on a rock on the south side of the Niagara Parks Marina parking lot (2400 Niagara River Parkway, Fort Erie, Ontario)

The Niagara Movement

This is the site of the former Erie Beach Hotel which hosted the inaugural meetings of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), originally called the Niagara Movement. In July 1905, W.E.B. Du Bois and 28 men from fourteen states met at the hotel to write the group’s founding principles. The organization aimed to further African Americans’ fight for civil rights by building upon the progress gained since the American Emancipation Proclamation of 1863.

Pictured: Founding members of the Niagara Movement superimposed over an image showing Niagara Falls in the background, 1905

Location: Waverly Beach Park is located along the recreation trail just east of the beach parking lot. (Helena Street, Fort Erie, Ontario)

Harriet Tubman Tribute

Born on a Maryland plantation around 1822, Harriet Tubman escaped slavery in 1849 to become a leading abolitionist and the most famous conductor of the Underground Railroad. Known as “the Moses of her People,” she guided thousands of enslaved African Americans to freedom. When the US Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 led to the arrest and kidnapping of runaway slaves and free blacks living in the free states, Tubman extended her route to Canada, where slavery had been abolished in 1834, and established her base of operations in nearby St. Catharines.

Location: Look for plaques south of the entrance the White Water Walk, on the river side. (4330 River Rd, Niagara Falls, Ontario)

Louis Roy Press and 1793 Act Against Slavery

See the oldest wooden printing press in Canada and one of only seven left in the world at the Mackenzie Printery. The press was used to print Ontario’s first newspaper as well as some of Canada’s earliest laws, including the 1793 Act Against Slavery. While the act did not free the enslaved, it prevented enslaved people from being imported to or exported from Canada. It also ensured that children born to enslaved mothers were freed at the age of 25. It was this act that would slowly work towards the elimination of slavery in Canada.

Location: The Louis Roy press and copy of the Act Against Slavery can be found inside the Mackenzie Printery (1 Queenston St, Queenston, Ontario)

Simcoe Memorial

The collection of buildings around Navy Hall served as the first seat of government for the Executive Council of Upper Canada. It was here where John Graves Simcoe made the first legislative steps in the Act Against Slavery of 1793.

Location: The Simcoe memorial is located in Niagara-on-the-Lake (305 Ricardo Street, Niagara-on-the-Lake, Ontario)

William and Susannah Steward House

The Steward home was a significant part of Niagara’s community of former Canadian slaves, black Loyalists and African American refugees that settled in the region in the 19th century. In 1837, homeowner William Steward was one of 17 people who signed a petition asking Lieutenant Governor Sir Francis Bond Head to refuse to extradite Kentucky fugitive Solomon Moseby. Moseby was rescued from the Niagara jail by more than 200 community members. The home now serves as a compelling memorial to the hardworking people who contributed to the building of Niagara-on-the-Lake and to protecting African American refugees in the region.

Location: Located on the corner of Butler and John Street (507 Butler Street, Niagara-on-the-Lake, Ontario)


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